f5! 



i 




Glass, ^ ^ 

I U II ii. ■ ' 

Book . '41 



HISTORY (\ 

4 



OF THE 



STATE OF VERMONT, 



FROM ITH EARLIEST SETTLEMENT TO THE CLOSE OF 
THE YEAR 1832. 



BY ZADOCK ^^HOMPSOJV, A. M,, 

AUTHOR or THE GAZETTEER OF VERMOKT,- 



V 



C/,, 



\'-' ■ 



BUL.INGTOJV; 
EDWARD SMITH.- 

1833. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 
1833, by Zadock Thompson^ in the clerk's office 
of the district of Vermont. 



PREFACE. 

7\^ 



Tlie acknowledged want of a concise History of 
Vermont, adapted to the use of the higher classes in 
our schools, as well as for general reading, is deemed 
a sufficient apology for adding another to the multi- 
farious publications of the day. The early History 
of Vermont is unlike that of any other state in the 
Union. As the inhabitants on the New Hampshire 
grants had never been organized as a province, under 
the crown of England, and as they constantly re- 
fused submission to the provincial governments, 
which claimed authority over them, they found them- 
selves without any bond of union excepting their 
common interests, and their social affections. The 
History of Vermont is, therefore, that of a people 
assuming the powers of self government, and advanc- 
ing, by successive steps, from a state of nature to the 
establishment of a civil compact and to a regular and 
efficient organization. These peculiarties of our 
early history, render it a subject of uncommon inter- 
est to all, and, especially so, to the descendants of 
those statesmen and philanthropists, to whom, through 
the blessing of God, are indebted for all their val- 
uable institutions ; and one of the principal motives 
which led to the compilation of the following pages 
was a desire to awaken, and perpetuate, in the breasts 
of the young, that spirit of patriotism, independence 



4 PREFAef. 

and self denial, which so nobly animated the hearts 
of their fathers. 

The materials for the following pages have been 
principally derived from the History of Vermont, by 
Doctor Samuel Williams, the Vermont State Papers 
compiled by the Hon. William Slade, and from in- 
formation collected by the Author, while compiling 
his Gazetteer of Vermont, in the year 1824. Doctor 
Wiliams' history is an interresting and valuable work, 
but it is too voluminous and expensive for general cir- 
culation. The collection of State Papers above men- 
tioned, is invaluable to the historian and antiquarian, 
as containing the elements of our history, but is not 
calculated to interest the young, or to find its way in- 
to all the families in the state. It has, therefore, been 
the object of the present undertaking to furnish a 
work, which should neither be so brief as entirely to 
preclude any of the important incidents of our early 
history, nor so voluminous and expensive as to [)lace 
it above the reach of any individual. With what 
success this object has been accomplished, it belongs 
not to the writer to say ; but if this volume shall serve 
in any manner to revive among us those virtues, for 
which our ancestors were so much distinguished, 
he will so far have accomplished one of the princi- 
p 1 objects contemplated in the undertaking, and he 
will hereafter have the satisfaction of reflecting that 
his humble labors have not l>een altogether useless. 



CONTENTS. 



Preface. - Page 3 

Topographical sketch, ... - - 9 

CHAPTER I. 

INTRODUCTION INDIAN AND COLONIAL WARS. 

Section I. Discovery of America — Discovery and set- 
tlement of Canada — Discovery of Lake Champlain, 13 

Section II. Pronjress of the English and Dutch settle- 
ments, from 1607, to 1638, . . . . IG 

Section III. French and English Colonies — Transac 
tions in the vicinity of Vermont from 1638 to 1705, 19 

Section IV. French and English Colonies. — Transac. 
tions in Vermont and its vicinity from 1705 to 1749, 24 

Section V. French and English Colonies — from 1748 
to 1756. Braddock defeated — The French defeated 
at fort William Henry, . - . - . 29 

Section VI. French and English Colonies — from 1756 
to 1758. Fort William Henry surrendered to the 
French — Massacre of the garrison, . - 35 

Section VII. French and English Colonies — Events of 
1758. Capture of Louisburg — Abercrombie defeated 
— Fort Frontenac and Du Qucsne taken, - 39 

Section VIII. French and English Colonies — Transac. 
tions of 1759 and 1760. Quebec taken — Ticonderoga, 
Crown Point and Niagara taken — Expedition against 
1* 



O ^ CONTENTS. 

the St Francis Lwliajis — Moatrooi and Canada surren- 
der) - * 44 

CHAPTER II. 

SETTLEMENT, AND CONTROVERSY WITH NEW YORK. 

Section I. Vermont previous to the year 1760, - 51 

Section II. Controversy between New Hampshire and 
New York, respecting the territory of Vermont — 
from 1749 to 1764, 54 

Section III. Controversy with New York from 1764 to 
1773, 58 

Section IV. Character of the settlers on the New 
Hampshire grants and their modes of punishment, 63 

Section V. Controversy with New York from 1773 to 
1775 — Miniatory act of New York-^Resolutions and 
remonstrance of the settlers, ... 67 

Section VI. Brief review of the progress of settlement 
previous to the Revolution, .... 75 

CHAPTER III. 

REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

Section I. Events of 1775 — Reduction of Ticonderoga 
— Invasion of Canada — Carlton defeated by Col War- 
ner — St Johns and Montreal taken by General Mont- 
gomery — Assault upon Quebec, ... 77 

Section II. Events of 1776. Small Pox fatal in the 
army — American army retreats — Unsuccessful expedi- 
tion against Three Rivers — Affairs at the Cedars — 
Chamblee and St Johns abandoned by the Americans 
Naval engagement on lake Champlain — Crown Point 
abandoned, 87 

Section III. Events of 1777. Advance of General 
Burgoyne — Ticonderoga abandoned by the Americana 
— Battle at Hubbardton — Retreat from fort Edward — 



CONTENTS. ' 

Battle at Uonnington — At Stillwater — Surrender of 
Burgoyne, - 95 

CHAPTER IV. 

CrVIL POLICY OF VERMONT DURING THE REVOLUTION. 

Section I. From the year 1775, to the Declaration of 
the Independence of Vermont in 1777, - - 116 

Section II. Establishment of the Government of Ver- 
mont — from the Declaration of Independence .January 
15, 1777, to the meeting of the General assembly on 
the 12th of March 1778, 121 

Section III. Controversy with New Hampshire in 1778, 
and 1779 — Legislative proceedings in Vermont, 127 

Section IV. Controversy with New York, New Hamp- 
shire and Massachusetts, in 1778—1779 and 17b0, 133 

Section V. Union of Vermont with a part of New 
Hampshire and a part of New York in 1781, 141 

Section VI. Negotiation with the British in Canada 
from 1780, to 1783, 145 

Section VII. Indian depredations upon the settlements 
in Vermont, ... - - - 159 

CHAPTER V. 

PROCEEDINGS RELATIVE TO THE ADMISSION OF VERMONT INTO 
THE UNION, 

Section I. Extending from the completion the eastern 
and western unions with Vermont on the 22d of June, 
to 1781, the dissolution of the same on the 22d day of 
February 1782, 166 

Section II. Proceedings of Congress — Disturbances in 
Vermont — from the Dissolutions of the unions in 
Vermont February 22d, 1782, to the Treaty of Peace 
between the United States and Great Britain, January 
20th, 1783, 174 



8 CONTENTS. 

Section III. Disturbances in Vermont growing out of 
the controversy with New York, - - 181 

Section IV. Settlement of the controversy with New 
York, and the Admission of Vermont into the Union, 

185 

CHAPTER VI. 

CIVIL POLICY OF VERMONT AFTER HER ADMISSION INTO THE 
UNION. 

Section I. Extending from the admission of Vermont 
into the Union in 1791, to the Resignation and death 
of Governor Chittenden in 1797, - - 191 

Section II. Legislative proceedings in Vermont from 
the year 1797 to 1812, .... 199 

Section III. Legislative proceedings from 1812 to 1815 
— War with Great Britain — Events on Lake Cham, 
plain — Battle at Plattsburgh, . . - 2J2 

Section IV. Legislative proceedings from 1814 to the 
close of the year 1832, ... . 221 

Section V. The Frame of Government — Legislative 
Power — Executive Power — Council of Censors Judi- 
ciary — Laws — Education — Diseases &c. - 230 



APPENDIX 

No. 1 Gov. & Lieu Gov. 241[No. 7 Rep. in Congress, 245 



No. 2 Treas. & Sec. 242 

No. 3 Speak. & Clerks, 242 

No. 4 Coun. & Towns, 243 

No. 5.Judg.of Sup. C. 244 

No. 6 Senators in Con. 245 



No. 8 Lotteries, 246 

No. 9 Population, 347 

No. 10 Banks, 248 

No. 11 Colleges, 249 

No. 12 Councils of Cen. 250 



SKETCH OF THE TOPOGRAPHY OF VERMONT. 



1. Vermont constitutes the north-western part of that 
section of the United States, which is called New Eng. 
land. It lies between 42 degrees 44 minutes ,and 45 
degrees of north latitude ; and between 3 degrees 31 
minutes, and 5 degrees 24 minutes east longitude from 
the Capitol of the United States at Washington. The 
length of this State from north to south is 157:1 miles. 
The width is various, being 90 miles at the north end 
and only 40 at the south. The mean width is about 57 
miles, and the whole surface of the State, about 9000 
square miles, or 5,760,000 acres. It comprehends the 
territory lying between Connecticut river and lake Cham- 
piain, which was ; formerly known by the name of the 
New Hampshire grants, and is bounded north by Canada, 
east by New Hampshire, south by Massachusetts, and 
west by New York. 

2. The face of the country is generally uneven and 
the central parts mountainous. The range of Green 
Mountains, which give name to Vermont, extends quite 
through the State from south to north, keeping nearly 
a middle course between Connecticut river and lake 
Champlain. These mountains rise, in several places, to 
a heiglrt exceeding 4000 feet above the level of the sea, 



10 TOPOGRAPHY OF VERMONT. 

but they are not generally precipitous, and are most of 
them covered with tirhber to their summits. The loftiest 
of these summits are the Nose and Chin in Mansfield, 
Camel's Hump, and Shrewsbury and Killington peaks. 

3. Among these mountains, arise a great number of 
streams, which following the several declivities, find 
their way into Connecticut river on the east, or lake 
Champlain on the west. The principal streams, which 
fall into the Connecticut, are the Wantastiquet or West 
river. Black, Otte-Quechee, White, Wells and Pasump- 
sic. Those which fall into lake Champlain, are Otter 
Creek, Winooski, or Onion, Lamoille and Missisco. 
Black, Barton, and Clyde rivers run northerly into lake 
Memparemagog. These are all considerable streams, 
and they all abound in falls and rapids, which might af- 
ford water power for propelling machinery to almost any 
amount. 

4. Lake Champlain stretches along the western border 
of Vermont for the distance of about 100 miles, and varies 
from half a mile to thirteen miles in width. It affords an 
easy communication between the Hudson and the St 
Lawrence, and it will be seen by the following pages that 
both the French and English frequently availed them- 
selves of the facilities it afforded in their predatory ex- 
peditions against each^other. Lake Memphremagog is 
situated on the northern boundary of Vermont and lies 
about half way between lake Champlain and Connecticut 
river. It is between 30 and 40 miles long, and from 3 to 
4 miles wide. These lakes, as well as the rivers and 
smaller streams, were formerly well stored with fish ; 
and fromtheir waters the natives derived a large share 
of theirsubsistence. 

5. When first visited by Europeans, this whole tract 



TOPOGRAPHT OF VERMONT. 11 

of country was one unbroken forest. At that period the 
hand of industry had no where laid bare the soil to the 
genial influence of the summer's sun. The borders of 
the lakes and rivers were then shaded by a beautiful and 
lofty growth of pine and elm — tiie uplands were heavily 
timbered with maple, beech and birch, interspersed with 
a variety of other trees — while the mountains, which 
lifted their blue heads among the clouds, were clothed to 
their towering summits, with the perpetual verdure of 
their hardy evergreens. 

6. These forests, and the margins of the lakes and 
streams, were well stored with moose, deer, bears, 
wolves, otter, beaver, and a variety of other animals, 
which made this region the favorite hunting ground of 
the natives ; and here, from time immemorial, the succes- 
sive generations had pursued the chase, vying in fleetness 
with the passing wind, and free as the mountain air, 
which they inhaled. 

7. Where now we behold smiling villages, thronged 
by the busy multitudes, and cultivated farms, yielding 
the peaceful fruits of regulated industry, then were seen 
nought, but dark and gloomy forests and the pyres erec- 
ted in their midst, for the immolation of those, whom 
the fortune of war had thrown into the hands of an enemy. 
Where now from our fields and hamlets the hum of busi- 
ness daily ascends, save when exchanged for ' the sound 
of the church-going bell,' and hushed for the rational and 
solemn worship of Almighty God,— then were heard Only 

the war-whoop and the death song of the savage the 

commingled strains of fierceness and exultation— the 
horrid shrieks of cruelty and of death. 

8. But changes so auspicious in the general aspect of 
things have not been effected without toils, and difficulties 



12 TOPOGRAPHY OF VERMOIfT. 

and dangers, to which the present inhabitants of Vcr- 
mont, surrounded by their conveniences and comforts, 
are utter strangers. The ruggedness of the country, 
the density of the forests, the length and dreariness of 
the winters, and above all their exposure to the depreda- 
tions of the merciless savages, were for a long period 
sufficient to deter all from emigrating hither excepting 
men of the stoutest hearts and most robust bodies. And 
then the labors of cutting down the forests, subduing the 
soil, procuring means of subsistence, and defending their 
possessions against unjust and arbitrary claims, were 
calculated to continue in vigorous exercise all their pow. 
ers of body and mind. 

9. But as they possessed neither the means, nor the 
leisure for mental cultivation, their characters, as would 
be expected, partook very much of the boldness and 
roughness of the mountain scenery amidst which 
they resided. From being accustomed to face dangers 
of different kinds, and to surmount difficulties by their 
personal exertions they acquired an unlimited confidence 
in their own abilities, and imbibed the loftiest notions of 
liberty and independence. These traits of their general 
character, as will be seen by the following pages, were 
fully developed during the controversies, in which it was 
their lot to be for many years involved, and they have at 
all periods marked their proceedings in the council and 
in the field. 



ta f STORY OF VERMONT. 

CHAPTER I . 
INTRODUCTION. 

f N D ! A N A N D C O I, O N 1 A L VV A R S 



SECTION I . 



Discovery of America — Discovery and Sdtleinent of Cana- 
da — Discovery of lake Champlain. 

1. The discovery of the American continent by 
Christopher Columbus, in 1499, awakened a spirit of 
enterprise, not only in Si)ain, but in all the principal 
nations of Europe. From each of these, expeditions 
were fitted out, and swarms of adventurers issued forth, 
either to immortahze their names in the annals of dis- 
covery, or to enrich themselves and their country with 
the treasures of a new world. Spain took the lead '' 
the career of discovery, and was followed by EngJ 
France and Holland ; but while S{)ain, invited ' (O 
golden treasures of the Incas, was pursuing her COR- 
quests and exterminating the defenceless '. uives in 
the south, the three latter nations were pepc.'abiy enrt 
succesfully prosecuting their discoveries in ok* 
northerly regions. 
2 



14 HISTORY OF VERMONT 

2. In 1534, James Cartier, in the service of France, 
while exploring the continent of America in the north- 
ern latitudes, discovered, on St Lawrence's day, the 
great gnlf and river of Canada, to which he gave the 
name of St Lawrence. The next year he returned 
with three shi})s, entered the gulf, and, having left his 
shij)s at anchor between the island of Orleans and the 
shore, he ascended the river St Lawrence with his 
boats, 300 mileSjto the Indian town of Hochelaga, 
where he arrived on the 2nd day of October, 1535. 
To this place he gave the name of Montreal, which it 
has ever since retained. This was doubtless the first 
voyage ever made by civilized maji into the interior 
of North America, and the first advance of a civilized 
people into the neighborhood of the territory of Ver- 
mont. 

3. Cartier and his companions, were every where 
received by the natives with demonstrations of joy and 
were treated by them with the greatest respect and 
veneration. The savages seemed to consider the Eu- 
ropeans as a higher order of beings, whose friendship 
and fovors they deemed it of the highest importance 
to secure. And this was true not only of the Canada 
Indians, but of the natives of every part of the Ameri- 
can continent ; and the suspicions of the natives were 
not generally aroused, nor preparations made, either 
for defence or hostility, till the new comers had mani- 
fested their avarice and meanness by the most cruel 
acts of injustice and violence. 

4. On the 4th of October, Cartier departed from 
Ilochelaga, and on the 11th arrived safely with his par- 
ty at 'he island of Orleans. Here he spent the winter, 
during ^^iiich he lost many of his men by the scurvy, 
and in the spring returned to France. In 1540, Car- 
t"er again visited Canada and attetnpted to found arol- 
.^ny ; but this colony was soon broken up, and no fur- 
•;k r attemprt were made by the French to establish 
^ aeraselvfts in this part of the country for more than 
halifa ceatury. In 1603, Samuel Champlain,a French 



DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS. 15 

nobleman, sailed up the St Lawrence, visited the sev- 
eral places, which Cartier had described, and, having 
obtained all tlie information, which he could derive from 
the natives, respecting the ijiterior of the country, he 
returned to France to communicate his discoveries and 
to procure assistance in establishing a colony. 

5. It was not, however, till the year 1608, that the 
French court could he induced to fit out a fleet for the 
pur))ose of founding a colony on the river St Lawrence. 
This fleet was jjlaeed under the command of Cham- 
plain, who, in the beginning of July, arrived at a place 
called by the natives, Quebec. The situation of this 
place being elevated and conimanding, and its being 
mostly surrounded by water rendering its defence easy, 
Champlain had in a former voyage designated it as the 
most eligible spot for beginning a settlement. He there- 
fore innnediately commenced cutting down the tim- 
ber, clearing the land, building houses, and preparing 
the soil for cultivation. Here lie spent the following 
winter, in the course of which, jiis little culony suf- 
fered extremely from the scurvy and from the severi- 
ty of the climate. 

6. In the spring of 1609, Champlain left Quebec, 
accompanied by two other Frenchmen and a party of 
the natives, for the purpose of exploring the interior of 
the country, particularly the southern lakes, which the 
Indians informed him opened a communication with a 
large and warlike nation called the Iroquois. Cham- 
plain proceeded u]) the St Lawrence and the river now 
called the Sorel, till he arrived at a large lake. To 
tiiis lake he gave his own name, which it still retains. 
Proceeding southward, he reached another lake lying 
to the southwest of lake Champlain, which he named 
St Sacrament, but which is now known by the name 
of lake George. 

7. On the shores of lake George, they fell in with 
a party of the Iroquois, between whom and the Canada 
Indians, a war had long subsisted. A skirmish imme- 
diately ensued, but the Frenchmen being armed with 
Tuusket^ it was soon decided in favor of Champlain 



16 HISTORY or VERMONT. 

and his party. Tli6 Iroquois were put to fliglu, leaving 
50 of their number dead upon the field, whose scalps 
were taken and carried to Quebec. This was doubt- 
less the first time the Indians, in these regions, ever 
witnessed the effect of European arms, and it is proba- 
ble the panic produced in the astonished natives, 
contributed, not a little, to a favorable and speedy 
termination of the combat. 

8. Thus, so early as the year 1609, was lake Cham- 
plain, and the western borders of the present territory 
of Vermont, discovered and partially explored by the 
French ; and although, after this event, more than a 
century elapsed, before this tract of country became the 
residence of any civilized inhabitants, it was, during this 
period, and long after, the theatre of war, and a scene 
of Indian havoc and cruelty, of the most appalling 
character. But these wars were wholly carried on by 
the Canada Indians and the French, whose settlements 
were rapidly extending up the St Lawrence, on one 
part, and by the confederated nations of the Iroquois 
on the other, previous to the year 1664. This year 
the Dutch settlement, of New Netherlands, was sur- 
rendered to the English, and its name changed to New 
York ; and from this ])eriod, the country now called 
Vermont, and lake Champlain, became the great tho- 
roughfare of the French and English colonies and their 
Indian allies in their almost incessant wars with each 
other. 



SECTION II. 



Progress of the English and Dutch settlements, from 
1607 to 1638. 

1. W^hilc the French were founding their colony 
at Quebec, exploring the regions of Canada, and rapid- 



DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS. 17 

ly extending their settlements along the banks of the 
St Lawrence, the other nations of Europe were not 
inactive. The English, after several unsuccessful at- 
tempts, succeeded in 1607, in making a permanent 
settlement upon the banks of James river in Virginia, 
and about t he same time planted a small colony in the 
present state of Maine, in 1614, Capt. John Smith 
explored the sea coast from Penobscot to cape Cod, 
drew a map of the same and denominated the country 
New England. 

2. In 1609, Capt. Henry Hudson, at that time in 
the service of Holland, discovered am! gave his own 
name to Hudson river, now in the state of New York, 
and in 1614, the Dutch began a settlement on the island 
of Manhattan, where the city of New York now stands. 
To the country they gave the name of New Nether- 
lands and the town they called New Amsterdam, in 
allusion to the country and city they had left in Europe. 
About the same time they built fort Orange where 
Albany now is, and soon after began settlements at 
Schenectaday and other places in the vicinity. 

3. In 1620, a band of English subjects, who, to 
avoid persecution, had, 20 years before, taken refuge in 
Holland, and who were denominated puritans from 
their scrupulous religious conduct, embarked for 
America, where they hoped to be allowed the privi- 
lege of enjoying, undisturbed, their pecuhar notions, 
and of worshiping their Creator in that unadorned 
simplicity of manner, which they supposed the scrip- 
tures to inculcate. Their place of destination was the 
mouth of Hudson river ; and, as they contemplated 
forming their settlement muler the protection of the 
English, they hfid obtained a ])atent of lands from the 
Virginia company in England previous to their em- 
barkation. 

4. After encountering many difficulties and delays 
they finally got to sea, but their pilot, either through 
treachery or ignorance, shaped his course so far to the 
northward, that the first land they discovered was 

2* 



18 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

cape Cod, distant more than 300 miles from the near- 
est civilized settlement, and not within the limits of 
their patent. The season was so far advanced, it being 
now the 9th of November, that it was deemed expe- 
dient to attempt a settlement in the section of country 
where they were, and preparations for that purpose 
were immediately commenced. After spendhig some 
time in exploring the coasts and harbors ; and after 
having formed themselves into a body politic under 
the crown of England and chosen John Carver, their 
governor, they landed on the 22nd day of December, and 
began a settlement, which they called New Plymouth, 
(now Plymouth in Massachusetts,) in allusion to the 
town they had left in England. 

5. This colony, at first, consisted of 101 persons ; 
but the severity of the climate, the want of accommo- 
daitons, theij- unusual hardships and a mortal sicknesa 
which prevailed, reduced their number to 56, before 
the opening of the next spring. Their drooping spirits 
were, however, revived during the next summer, by 
the arrival of supplies from England and by a consid- 
erable addition to the number of settlers. From this 
time the affairs of the Plymouth colony assumed a 
brighter aspect, and the settlements in these parts were 
rapidly extended, 

6. As early as the year 1623, the English had begun 
settlements at Portsmouth and Dover, in the present 
state of New Hampshire, and, in 1633, they had pene- 
trated the wilderness to Connecticut river and establish- 
ed themselves at Windsor in Connecticut. In 1635, they 
had extended their settlements northward up this river 
as far as Springfield in Massachusetts, and soon after 
they established themselves at Deerfield. Thus early 
were the French on the north, the Dutch on the south 
and the English on the east, advancing their settlements 
into the neighborhood of the present state of Vermont. 

7. A short time previous to the arrivajl of the Ply- 
nioirth colony a mortal sickness had prevailed among 
the natives, by which the country, in the neighborhood 



PEQUOD WAR. 19 

of their landing, had been almost divested of inhabi- 
tants. But the natives, who remained, welcomed the 
English with demonstrations of joy, and seemed dis- 
posed to admit the new comers into their country upon 
friendly terms. But the repeated acts of injustice and 
extortion on the part of the settlers, and the astonishing 
rapidity with which their settlements were extending 
over the country, at length aroused the jealousy of the 
Indians, and in 1630, a general conspiracy was formed 
by the Naragansets and other tribes, the object of 
which was the total extermination of the English. 
The settlers however, were seasonably informed of the 
plot and their vigorous preparations to defeat it, ef- 
fectually deterred the Indians from attempting its exe- 
cution. 

8. But soon after this event, the English settlers 
were involved in a war with the Pequods, a powerful 
tribe of Indians, who inhabited the northwestern parts 
of Connecticut. This war was prosecuted with vigor 
on both sidfis, but was terminated in 1637, by the 
complete overthrow of the Pequods. Seven hundred 
of the Indians were slain, some fled to the Mohawks, 
by whom they were treacherously murdered, and the 
Pequods who remained in the country and the other 
tribes of Indians were so much terrified at the prowess 
of the English as to be restrained from open hostilities 
for nearly ibrty years. 



SECTION III. 



French and English Colonies — Transactions in the vi- 
cinity of Vermont from 1638 to 1705. 

1. Although both the French and English colonies 
had long been in the habit of furnishing the Indians 
with arms, ammunition, provisions and clothing, wheu 



20 HISTORY OF VERMONT, 

going to war either among themselves, or with an 
opposite colony ; yet previously to the year 1689, no 
expedition had ever been fitted out in one colony for 
the express purpose of aiding the Indians in their 
depredation upon another. This j'ear it was resolved 
by the French to attempt, by the aid of the Canada 
Indians, the conquest of the province of New York, 
which had now been for some time in possession of 
the English. They looked upon this course as the 
only effectual method of subduing their most inveterate 
and troublesome enemy, the Iroquois. 

2. It was proposed that a large body of Canadians 
and Indians should march by the way of lake Cham- 
plain, and fall upon Albany and the other northern 
settlements ; and that the city of New York should be 
at the same time attacked by a fleet, ordered for that 
purpose from France. But while preparations were 
making and before the arrival of the fleet, the Iroquois 
made a descent upon Canada, plundered and burnt 
Montreal and broke up most of the frontier settlements. 
Frontenac, the French general, was so much disheart- 
ened by these calamities, that he rehnquish' d the hope 
he had entertained of conquering New York, but he 
considered some attempt against the English settle- 
ments indispensable, in order to revive the drooping 
spirits of the Canadians and Indians. 

3. Two i)ai'ties were therefore sent out. One of 
these, under the command of Seur Hortel, on the 18th 
of March, 1690, succeeded in destroying the fort at 
Salmon falls in New Hampshire, where they slew 30 
of the English and took 54 prisoners, whom they 
carried to Canada. The other party, consisting of 200 
French and 50 Indians, commanded by D. Aillebout, 
set out from Montreal in the beginning of January, 
and, proceeding by the way of lake Champlain, di- 
rected their march towards Schenectady, a settlement 
on the Mohawk river, 14 miles northwest from Albany. 
But on account of the length of their march through 
deep snows in the midst of winter, they were reduced 



MASSACRE AT SCHENECTADY. 21 

to such extremities by hunger and fatigue, when they 
arrived in the vicinity of this place, that they thought 
seriously of surrendering themselves to the English aa 
prisoners of war. They, however, sent forward their 
spies, who reported, on their return, that the inhabi- 
tants were in no apprehension of danger — that the 
soldiers were few and undisciplined, and that the place 
was in no condition for defence. 

4. Encouraged by this intelligence, the party moved 
forward, and on the 8th of Februaiy, 16^0, at 11 o'clock 
in the evening, they entered the village of Schenectady, 
and separating into small parties appeared before every 
house at the same time. Never was a place more 
completely surprised. Without the least apprehension 
of danger the inhabitants had just retired to their beds, 
and, while their senses were locked in the sound- 
est sleep, the terrible onset was made. A general 
shriek aroused the place, and to many it was the shriek 
of death. The terrified and bewildered inhabitants 
attempted to rise from their beds, but they rose only 
to meet the tomahawk, which was lifted for their des- 
truction. The whole village was instantly in flames; 
and to add to this heart rending scene, the infernal 
yell of the savage was incessantly commingled with 
the shrieks and the groans of the dying. 

5. In this massacre no less than 60 persons perish- 
ed ; and 27 were taken prisoners and carried, by the 
French and Indians into captivity. They, who escaped 
the hands of the enemy, fled nearly naked, towards 
Albany through a deep snow, which had fallen that 
very night. Of those who succeeded in reaching 
Albany, no less than 25 lost some one, or more, of their 
limbs by the severity of the frost. The news of this 
awful tragedy reached Albany about day break and 
spread universal consternation among the inhabitants. 
The enemy were reported to be 1400 strong, and many 
of the citizens of Albany advised to destroy the city 
and retreat down the river towards New York. But 
Col Schuyler and some others at length succeeded in 



22 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

rallying the inhabitants, and a party of horse soon set 
off for Schenectady. Not thinking themselves suffi- 
ciently strong to venture a battle, the enemy were 
suffered to remain in the place till nopn, when, having 
destroyed the whole village, they set off for Canada 
with their prisoners, and with 40 of the best horses 
loaded with the spoils. 

6. On the first of May following, commissioners 
from the several English colonies met at the city of 
New York for the purpose of concerting measures for 
the common safety and defence. Here it was agreed 
that the conquest of Canada would be the only effec- 
tual means of securing peace ^nd safety to their 
frontiers, and it was recommended that vigorous efforts 
be made for the accomplishment of that object. Two 
expeditions were therefore planned ; one under Sir 
William Phips, which was to proceed against Quebec 
by water, and the other under John Winthrop, which 
was to be joined by the Iroquois, and, proceeding by 
the way of lake Cliamplain, was to attack Montreal. 
The latter expedition was abandoned on account of 
the lateness of the season and the refusal of the Iro- 
quois to join it, and the one under Phips proved un- 
successful. 

7. In the summer of 1691, Col Schuyler put himself 
at the head of a party of Mohawks, who were a tribe 
of the Iroquois, and, passing through lake Champlain 
and the western borders of Vermont, made a succuss- 
ful eruption upon the French settlements on the river 
Sorel, in which were slain 300 of the enemy ; a 
number exceeding that of his own force. In January, 
in 1695, a party of six or seven hundred French and 
Indians marched by the way of lake Champlain and at- 
tacked the Mohawks in their own country. Intelligence 
of these transactions no sooner reached Albany, than 
Schuyler^ at the head of 200 volunteers, hastened lo 
their relief. Several engagements ensued, in which 
Schuyler had the advantage, and the enemy were soon 
compelled to make a hasty retreat to Canada. 



DEERFIELD DESTROYED. 



23 



8. These reciprocal depredations were continued 
till the treaty between France and Englan'^, in 1697, 
put an end to hostilities and restored peace to the 
colonies. But this peace was of short continuance. 
War was again declared in Europe in 1702, and in this 
the colonies were soon involved. During this war the 
frontiers of New England were kept in continual 
alarm by small parties of the enemy and suffered se- 
verely. The town of Deerfield in Massachusetts had 
been settled some years and was at this time in a very 
flourishing condition: but being the most northerly 
settlement on Connecticut river, excepting a few fami- 
lies at North field, the French and Indians devoted it 
to destruction. 

9. In the winter of 1704, a party of about 300 of 
the enemy under De Rouville set out upon an expe- 
dition against this ill fated place. They proceeded up 
lake Champlain to the mouth of Winooski, or Onion 
river, and following up that stream, they passed over to 
Connecticut river. Proceeding <lown the Connecticut 
upon the ice, they arrived in the vicinity of Deerfield 
on the 29th of February. Here ihey concealed them- 
selves till the latter part of the night, when, perceiving 
that the watch had left the streets and that all was 
quiet, they rushed forward to the attack. The snow 
was so high as to enable them to leap over the for- 
tifications without dificulty, and they immediately 
separated into several parties so as to make their attack 
upon every house at the same time. The place was 
completely surprised, the iidiabitants having no suspi- 
cions of the approach of the enemy till they entered 
their houses. 

10. Yet surprised and unprepared as they were, 
the people of Deerfield made a vigorous defence ; but 
were at length overpowerd by the enemy. Forty 
seven of the inhabitants were slain, the rest captured 
and the village plundered and set on fire. About one 
hour after sunrise the enemy hastily departed ; and, 
although pursued and attacked by a party of the En- 



24 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

glish they succeeded in escaping to Canada, where 
they arrived with their prisoners and booty alter a 
fatiguing march of 25 days. For several years af\er 
the destruction of Deeriield, the frontiers, both of 
Canada and the New England provinces, were one 
continued scene of massacre and devastation. 



SECTION IV. 

French andEnscUsh Colonies. — Transactions in Vermont 
and its vicinUij,from 1705 to 1749. 

1. The merciless depredations upon the frontiei-s 
of New England still continuing, it was again deter- 
mined, in 1709, to attempt the conquest of Canada. 
The plan of operations was very similar to that devised 
in 1690. Quebec was to be attacked by water, and 
an army of provincial troops was, at the same time, to 
proceed by the way of lake Champlain and reduce 
Montreal. But the failure of Great Britain to furnish 
a fleet for the enterprise against Quebec, and the 
mortal sickness, which prevailed among the troops 
collected at Wood Creek and designed to act against 
Montreal, defeated all their plans, and the army raised 
was consequently disbanded. The failure of these 
designs against Canada, again left the English frontiers 
exi)osed to all the horrors of Indian warfare. 

2. The next year the English colonies fitted out an 
expediton against the French settlements at Acadia, 
and encouraged by their success, they now began to 
meditate another attem]>t upon Canada. The same 
plan of operations was adopted, which on two former 
occasions they had been unable to carry into effect. — 
Quebec was to be invested by water, and Montreal 
was to be at the same time assailed by an army, which 
was to enter Canada by the way of lake Chami)lain. 



EXPEDITION AGAINST NORRIDGEWOK. 25 

The fleet designed to proceed against Quebec was 
therefore collected and equipped at Boston, and the 
army, which was to reduce Montreal, was collected 
at Albany ; and the most sanguine hopes of success 
prevailed throughout the colonies. But all these 
Lopes were blasted in one fatal night. The fleet sailed 
from Boston on the 30ih of July, 1711, and just as it 
entered the St Lawrence, it encountered a storm in 
which eight of the vessels were wrecked and more 
tlian a thousand of the men perished. 

3. The army designed to enter Canada by the way 
of lake Champlain, had advanced but a short di^tance 
from Albany, when they received the disheartening 
intelligence of the disaster, which had befallen the fleet. 
They immediately returned ; the expedition was given 
up and the army disbanded. Thus terminated the 
third attempt at the conquest of Canada, leaving the 
frontiers still exposed to the inroads of a merciless foe. 
A peace was, however, concluded in Europe between 
Great Britain and France about this time, which put 
an end to the contest between their colonies in Ameri- 
ca, and during the next year treaties of peace were 
made with most of the hostile Indian tribes. But the 
peace with the Indians was of short continuance. 
They had long been jealous of the growing })ower of 
the English, and were ready to seize upon the most 
trifling injury as a pretext for the renewal of hostilities. 

4. From the year 1720 to 1725, a very destructive 
war was carried on between the eastern Indians and 
the New England provinces. The French and En- 
glish were at this time at [)eace ; but the French mis- 
sionaries, and the governor of Canada himself, were 
actively employed in instigating the Indians to hostili- 
ti(S. In the })rogress of this war the Engiish made a 
successful expedition against the Indian town of 
Norridgewok, where they slew the Jesuit missionary, 
Ralli, and 80 Indians, and destroyed the town ; and 
it was during this war, in the year 1724, that the first 
civilized establishment was made, within the present 
limits of Vermont, by the erection of fort Dummer. 

3 



26 HisToar of Vermont. 

5* To the year 1725, a long peace succeeded, not 
only between France and England, but also between 
the colonies and the various Indian tribes. But the 
colonies, during this time, were not inactive. They 
were busily employed in advancing their out posts, 
extending their settlements and preparing for future 
emergencies. The English had established a trading- 
house at Oswego in 1722. In 1726, the French, in 
order more effectually to secure to themselves the 
trade with the natives, launched two vessels on lake 
Ontario and repaired their fort at Niagara. In 1731, 
the French came up lake Charaplain and established 
themselves in the present township of Addison in 
Vermont, and about the same time erected a fortress 
upon a point of land on the west side of the lake and 
nearly opposite, which they called St Frederick, but 
which afterwards took the name of Crown Point. 

6. The country along lake Champlain, where these 
establishments were made, belonged to the Iroquois 
Indians, but was claimed by New York and was 
granted in 1696 to one Dellius, a Dutch clergyman at 
Albaay. By the English colonies, the proceedings of 
the French were observed with much solicitude ; yet 
on account of the internal divisions in the province of 
New York, no effectual measures were taken to pre- 
vent them. Thus were the French permitted to make 
their advances towards the English settlemerts, and 
upon lands claimed by the English, to erect a fortress, 
which would enable them to prosecute their future 
expeditions against the frontiers of New York and 
New England, with facility and safety. 

1. In 1744, Great Britain and France were once 
more involved in war, which soon extended to their 
colonies and their Indian allies, when the English 
began to experience in the depredations of the enemy, 
their extreme folly in permitting the French to es- 
tabhsh themselves at Crown Point. Hoosuc fort, at 
Williamstown, in Massachusetts and near the south- 
west corner of Vermont, was at this time, the most 



DEFKNCE OF HOOSUC FORT. 87 

northerly post- of the English in the western part of 
New England. Against this place an army of about 
900 French and Indians under M. de Vaudriel pro- 
ceeded from Crown Point in August, 1746, and on the 
20th of that month appeared before the fort. The 
garrison consisted of only 33 persons, including women 
and children, and was commanded by Col Hawks, 
who after a vigorous defence of 28 hours, and having 
expended all his ammunition, surrendered to the ene- 
my. Hawks lost but one man, while more than 40 of 
the assailants were either slain or mortally wounded ; 
and he supposed that, had he been well supplied with 
ammunition and provisions, he should have been able 
to have defended the fort against all the assaults of his 
numerous enemy. 

8. The English had, at this time, extended their 
settlements as far northward along Connecticut river as 
N'limher Four, now Charleston, in New Hampshire, and 
had erected several small forts on the west side of that 
river, in the vicinity of fort Dummer. Among these 
were Bridgeman's and Startwell's fort in Vernon Ver- 
mont, formerly apart of the township of Hinsdale New 
Hampshire. Bridgeman's fort was attacked the 24th 
of June, 1746, by a party of 20 Indians, who killed 
two of the English, wounded one and took several 
prisoners, but were finally rei)ulsed. They, however, 
succeeded the next year, in taking and destroying this 
fort, in killing several of the inhabitants, and in carry- 
ing a number of others into captivity. 

9. In 1747, the settlement at Number Four was 
abandoned by the inhabitants, and the fort at that place 
was garrisoned by 30 men under the command of Capt. 
Phinehas Stevens. On the 4th of April, a party of 400 
French and Indians under M. Debeline surrounded 
this fort and commenced an attack by firj ng upon it 
on all sides. This proving ineffectual, the enemy next 
endeavored to burn the fort by setting fire to the fen- 
ces and huts around it and by discharging flaming 
arrows upon it. Not succeeding in this, they next 
prepared a wheel carriage which they loaded with 



ti8 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

faggots, and by pushing this before theni, they endeav- 
ored by it to set fire to the fort while it protected them 
from the fire of the garrison. 

10. All these attempts were, however, defeated by 
the vigilence and bravery of Stevens and his men, and 
at length an interview took place between the two 
comniandei-s. At this interview Debehne boasted of 
his superior numbers, expressed his determination to 
storm the fort, and described in glowing colors the 
horrid massacre, which would ensue ifthe fort was not 
surrendered without further resistance. To all this 
Stevens coolly replied ; " / can assure you that my men 
are not afraid to die^ After this interview the attack 
was renewed with much sj'irit, and, after continuing 
it for three days without success, the French comman- 
der proposed to Stevens that he would abandon the 
siege and return to Canada on condition that the gar- 
rison would sell them provisions for the journey. 
This Stevens absolutely refused, but proposed to give 
them five bushels of corn for every captive for whom 
they would leave a hostage, until they could be brought 
from Canada. The enemy, not relishing these condi- 
tions, after firing a few guns, withdrew, leaving Stevens 
in pcaceat)le possession of the fort. 

11. In this siege Stevens lost not a man, and had 
but two men wounded. The loss of the enemy was 
not ascertained, but must have been very considerable. 
And so highly was the gallantry of Stevens on this 
occasion esteemed by Sir Charles Knowles, a British 
naval officer then at Boston, that he presented him 
an elegant sword ; and from this circumstance the 
township, when it was incorporated, received the 
name of Charlestown. During the remainder of the 
war, which did not entirely cease till 1749, the New 
England frontiers, were continually harrassed by k:mall 
parties of Indians, but no considerable expeditions 
were undertaken either by the French, or English 
colonies. 



COLONIAL CONVENTIOW. 29 

SE CTIO N V. 

French and English Colonies— from 1748 to 1756. Brad- 
dock defeated — the French defeated at fort William 
Henry. 

1. By the treaty concluded between Great Britain 
and France, in 1748, at Aix la Chapelle, the controversy 
respecting claims in America, was to be referred to 
commissioners appointed by the sovereigns of the two 
nations. These commissioners met at Paris in 1753, 
and labored for some time to establish the claims of 
their respective courts ; but they found it impossible 
to come to an agreement on the subject, and soon after 
the two countries were again involved in war, in which 
their colonies, as usual, shortly after participated. 

2. In 1754, a convention of delegates from the seve- 
ral English provinces, convened at Albany, for the 
purpose of devising some general and efficient plan of 
operations in the struggle which was about to ensue. 
Here it was resolved to apply to the British parliament 
for an act constituting a grand legislative council to 
be composed of delegates from the several legislative 
assemblies in the colonies, and subject to the negative 
of a president-general, appointed by the crown. But 
this plan of union had the singular fortune to be re- 
jected both by the colonies and the mother country. 
By the colonies it was supposed to give to the crown 
prerogatives which would endanger their liberties, and 
by the king, it was supposed to concede to the colo- 
nial assemblies, rights and powers which he was by 
no means prepared to acknowledge. 

3. It was on the 4th of July, 1754, that the above 
plan of American union was agreed to by the conven- 
tion, and it is worthy of remark, that this plan was 
consummated, July 4th, 1776, just 22 years from that 
day, by the declaration of American Independence. 
During the deliberations of the convention and the 

3* 



30 BISTORT OF VERMONT. 

interchange of views and opinions between the colo- 
nies and the mother country, the colonies themselves 
were making every preparation for the defence of their 
frontiers. In the beginningof the year 1755, Governor 
Shirley convened the assembly of Massachusetts, and 
communicated to them a plan, which he had formed, 
for the reduction of the French fortress at Crown 
Point. The assembly readily concurred and commis- 
sioners were sent to the neighboring provinces to re- 
quest their assistance and co-operation. 

4. Col Johnson, of the province of New York, was 
appointed to command this expedition and all the 
northern colonies were engaged in making preparations 
for it, when Gen. Braddock arrived in Virginia with 
two Irish regiments. A convention of the several 
governors and commanders in the English colonies, 
was therefore immediately assembled at Albany, in 
which it was determined that, during the summer, four 
different expeditions should be undertaken against the 
French ; namely ; — one under the direction of Brad- 
dock against fort Du Q,uesne, one under Shirley against 
Niagara ; one under Johnson against Crown Point, and 
one under Cols Monckron and Winslow against the 
French settletnents in Nova Scotia. 

5. Braddock set out for fort Du Quesne on the 
20th of April, with 22,00 men and marched forward 
confident of victory and fame, but, disregarding the 
advice of his officers and unaccustomed to American 
warfare, he fell into an ambuscade of about 400 
French and Indians, by whom he was defeated and 
slain. The regular troops were thrown into the ut- 
most confusion by the unexpected onset and fiendlike 
yells of the savages, but the Virginia militia, which 
Braddock, had disdainfully, placed in the rear, being 
trained to Indian fighting, continued unbroken and, 
by the prudent management of George Washington, 
then a Colonel of the militia and Aid to Braddock, so 
effectually covered the reti"eat as to save a part of the 
army from destruction. 



TICONDEROGA FORTIFIED. 31 

6. The army, designed for the reduction of the fort 
at Niagara, eifected nothing, except the strengthening 
of the fortifications at Oswego. Johnson, having 
collected five or six hundred provincial troops at 
Albany, for the expedition against Crown Point, sent 
them forward, under the command of Gen. Lyman, 
to the carrying place between the Hudson and lake 
George, where they erected fort Edward. Johnson 
did not leave Albany till the 10th of August, and the 
latter part of that month he advanced 15 miles beyond 
fort Edward and encamped near the south end of lake 
George. 

7. Shortly after his arrival at this place, he received 
intelligence from his scouts that the French had taken 
possession of Ticonderoga, wliich commanded the 
communication between lake George and lake Cham- 
plain. Johnson was aware of the importance of this 
post, and hastend his preparations that he might move 
forward and dislodge the enemy. But before his 
batteaux and artillery were in readiness, the French 
had erected fortifications sufficiently strong to defend 
themselves against surprise, or an easy conquest. 

8. Alarmed by the exaggerated account of the English 
force assembled at lake George, and designed for the 
reduction of the fort at Crown Point, Baron Dieskau 
hastened forward to its defence with a considerable 
army of French and Indians. But having ascertained 
that an immediate attack from the English was not 
to be expected, he resolved to move forward and attack 
the English in their camp, and, if successful, proceed 
further and perhaps get possession of Albany and 
Schenectady. He embarked bis army, consisting of 
18,00 men, m batteaux and landed at South bay, which 
is near the south end of lake Cham[)lain. Here he 
learned from an English ])risoner that fort Edward 
was almost defenceless, and that Johnson's camp at 
lake George was protected neither by entrenchments 
nor by cannon. 
9. Dieskau, therefore, directed his march towards fort 



32 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

Edward, and when within three or four miles of the 
place communicated to his army his design of attacking 
the fort, and expressed to them entire confidence of 
success. His army, which consisted mostly of Cana- 
dians and Indians, were not however so sanguine in 
their expectations. They by no means relished the 
idea of making an assault upon the fort, where they 
should be exposed to the destructive fire of cannon ; 
but they expressed a willingness to attack the English 
in their camp at lake George, where they supposed 
that muskets would be the only arms employed against 
them. Under these circumstances Dieskau found it 
necessary to comply with the inclination of his troops 
and immediately altered the direction of his march 
and proceeded towards the English encampment. 

10. Johnson had no intelligence of the approach, 
or of the designs of the enemy, till after their depar- 
ture from South bay, when he learned that a large 
body of French and Indians were on their march 
towards fort Edward. He immediately sent off two 
separate messengers to apprise the garrison of the 
intended attack, and to brings him intelligence respect- 
ing the force and designs of the enemy. One of these 
messengers was intercepted and slain ; the other 
returned about midnight, and reported that he saw 
the enemy about four miles to the northward of fort 
Edward and evidently designing an attack upon that 
place. In the morning it was resolved in a council of 
war that one thousand English and a number of Indi- 
ans should be detached and sent under the command 
of Col Williams to intercept the enemy in their return 
to lake Champlain, either as victors, or defeated in 
their designs upon fort Edward. 

11. The English encami)ment had lake George on 
one side and two other sides were covered by swamps, 
and thick woods ; and afler the departure of the de- 
tachment a slight breast-work of logs was thrown up 
and a few cannon, which had just arrived, were planted 
in front, which was the only assailable side. Williams 



BATTLE AT LAKE GEORGE. 33 

had proceeded only four miles when he met the enemy 
in full march towards Johnson's encampment. An 
engagement immediately ensued, hnt Williams was 
obliged to retreat before the superior force of ttie ene- 
my. Johnson, hearing the firing and perceiving that 
it approacbed, beat to arms and dispatched Col Cole 
with 300 men to cover the retreat, while he made the 
best preparation he could for receiving the enemy. 
About 10 o'clock some small parties came running 
back to tbe camp with intelligence that the detach- 
ment was attacked on all sides and was retreating ; 
and soon after all who escaped returned in considera- 
ble bodies to the encampment. 

12. At half after eleven o'clock, the enemy were 
seen to approach in regular order aiming directly to- 
wards the centre of tbe encampment. When they ar- 
rived within about 150 yards of th« breast-work, they 
halted, and tbe Canadians and Indians filed off upon 
the right and left flanks. The regular troops then 
mooved forward and commenced the attack upon the 
centre by platoon firing, which, on account of the dis- 
tance, produced little effect. A brisk fire was now 
opened upon the enemy by the artillery stationed at 
the breast- work, wbich so terrified the C?<nadians and 
Indians, that they innuediately betook themselves to the 
swamps, where from behind logs and trees they kept up 
an irrejfular fire upon the encampment. 

13. The engagement now became general, and the 
French regular troops, for some time, maintained their 
ground and order; but finding themselves abandoned 
by the Canadians and Indians, and sufferii.g severely 
by the incessant fire from the bieast-work, they at 
length directed their attack to the right where they 
were received with firmness by the regiments of 
Ruggles, Williams and Titcomb. After continuing an 
unsuccessful attack upon this point for about an hour, 
and sustaining a heavy loss from the fire of the English, 
Dieskau attempted a retreat, as the only means of 
saving the remainder of his troops. 



34 HISTORY OF VERMOWT. 

14. Observing his intention a party of the English 
leaped over their breast-work, and falling upon the 
rear of the French, soon dispersed them. Dieskau 
was found resting upon the stump of a tree, wounded 
and unable to walk. As a provincial soldier approach- 
ed him, he was putting his hand in his pocket for his 
watch to present to him ; but the soldier, supposing 
that he was feeling for a ' pocket pistol, discharged 
his musket at him and gave him a mortal wound in 
his hip. 

15. The enemy on their retreat collected and made 
a halt at the place where the engagement began in 
the morning with the detachment under Col Williams. 
Here they were attacked by a party of 200 men under 
the command of Capt. M'Ginnes, a New Hampshire 
officer, who had been ordered from fort Edward to 
the aid of the main army under Johnson. The at- 
tack was made with impetuosity and spirit, and the 
French, after a resistance of nearly two hours, were 
again dispersed in every direction. In this last en- 
gagement the English lost 12 men, and the brave M' 
Ginnes died a few days after his arrival at Johnson's 
encampment, of the wounds he had received. 

16. The whole loss of the English in these several 
engagements was 130 slain, and 60 wounded Among 
the slain were Col Williams, Maj. Ashley, and Cap- 
tains, Ingersol, Porter, FeiTel, Stoddard and M'Ginnes, 
and among the wounded was Col Johnson. Of the 
Indians belonging to Johnson's army about 40 were 
slain, among whom was Hendrick, a distinguished 
Mohawk sachem. The loss of the French was about 
700 slain, and among these were several officers of 
distinction. Johnson was deterred by fear, or some 
other cause, from pursuing the retreating enemy, or 
making any attempt upon their works on lake Cham- 
plain ; and the remainder of the campaign of 1755, was 
spent in erecting a fort at the south end of lake 
George, which was afterwards called fort William 
Henry. 



OSWEGO TAKEN BY THE FRENeH. 35. 



SECTION VI. 

French and English Colonies— from 1756 to 1758. Fort 
William Henry surrendered to the French — Massacre 
of the garrison. 

1. In 1756 a considerable number of troops, and 
several distinguished officers arrived from England, 
and a large provincial army was collected at Albany 
and fort William Henry. But while the English 
officers were deliberating upon the course to be pur- 
sued and the troops were lying inactive, the French, 
under the brave Montcalm, were prosecuting their 
affiiirs with energy and success. With scarcely any 
loss on their part, they succeeded in taking and de- 
molishing the forts at Oswego, where they took 1400 
prisoners, 120 pieces of cannon, 14 mortars, and a large 
quantity of ammunition, military stores and provisions, 
and also 2 sloops and 200 batteaux. The English 
suffijred the season to pass away without any attempt 
to retrieve their loss, or annoy the enemy. 

2. The command of the English forces in America 
having been given to Lord Loudon, he sailed from 
New York in the spring of 1757, with 6000 men for 
the purpose of capturing the French fortress at Louis- 
burg. At Halifax his force was increased to 12000 
men, with a fleet of 15 ships of the line and a large 
number of transports under admiral Holburne. But 
he here received intelligence, thai a French fleet of 
17 line of battle ships and three frigates had arrived at 
Louisburg — that their land force amounted to 6000 
regulars, 3000 natives, and 1800 Indians, and that the 
place was well provided with ammunition, provisions 
and military stores. Th is information , d issipating eve- 
ly prospect of success, the expedition was consequent- 
ly abandoned. 

3. During these transactions the French under 
Montcalm were by no means inactive. As early as 



36 HISTORY OF Vermont. 

the 20th of March, they made an attempt to take fort 
William Henry by surprise, but tlieir object was de- 
feated by the bravery of the garrison, and several of 
their number slain. They, however, succeeded in 
burning three sloops, a largenumberofbatteaux, three 
store houses, and indeed eveiy thing of value, which 
was not protected by the guns of the fort. 

4. At the o[)ening of the spring. Col Parker was 
sent down the lake, with a detachment of about 400 
men, to attack the enemy's advanced guard at Ti- 
conderoga, but he was decoyed in an ambuscade 
of French and Indians, who fell upon him with such 
hn})etuosity and success, that only two officers and 70 
privates of his number escaped. Encouraged by this 
success, Montcalm resolved once more to attempt the 
reduction of fort William Henry. For this purpose he 
collected, at Crown Point and Ticonderoga, all his 
forces, amounting to about 10,000 men, and consisting 
of regulars, Canadians and Indians. 

5. General Webb, upon whom the command of 
the English forces devolved on the departure of Lord 
Loudon, wishing to examine the works at lake George, 
and to ascertain the force and condition of the enemy 
at their posts on lake Champlain, selected Major 
Putnam with 200 men to escort him to fort William 
Henry. Soon afler their arrival Putnam set out with 
18 men in three boats for the purpose of reconnoitering 
the enemy at Ticonderoga ; but before he reached the 
northwest bay, he discovered a body of men on an 
island, and leaving two of liis boats to fish he hasten- 
ed back in the other with the information. 

6. He communicated the intelligence to Webb only, 
■who, with much reluctance, permitted Putnam to re- 
turn for the pur{)ose of making further discoveries 
and of bringing off the boats. In accom[)lishing this 
business he was observed and |)ursued by the ene- 
my and, although at times nearly surrounded by their 
canoes, effected his retreat to the fort. These trans- 
actions were carefully concealed from the garrison 



'surrender of fort WILIilAM HENRY. 37 

by an injunction of secrecy from Webb, who ordered 
Putr)am to i)repare immediately to escort him back 
to fort Edward. Putnam, wishing to be en<raged in 
surprising the enemy, observed "he ho|)ed his excel- 
lency did not intend to neglect so fair an opportunity 
of giving battle, should the enemy presume to land." 
To which the general coldly replied " what do you 
think we should do here." 

7. The next day Weeb returned to fort Edward, 
and the day following, Col Monro was sent with his 
regiment to reinforce the gairison at lake George. 
The day after his arrival the French and Indians 
under Montcalm appeared u|)on the lake, effected a 
landing with but little opposition, and immediately 
laid siege to the fort. Montcalm, at the same time, 
sent a letter to Monro, stating that he felt himself 
bound in humanity to urge the English commander 
to surrender hetbre any of the Indians were slain and 
their savage temper further inflamed by a resistance, 
which would be unavailing. Monro replied that as 
the fortressjiad been entrusted to him, both his honor 
and his duty required him to defend it to the last ex- 
tremity. 

8. The garrison amounting to about 2,500 men, 
made a gallant defence, while Monro, aware of his 
danger, sent frequent expresses to fort Edward for 
succor. But Webb remained inactive and aj)parenily 
indifferent during these alarming transactions. On 
the 8th or 9th day of the siege, Gen. Johnson was 
permitted; to set out for the relief of fort William 
Henry with the provincial regiments and Putnam's 
rangers ; but he had proceeded only three miles, when 
he received orders from Webb for his innnediate re- 
turn. Webb then wrote to Monro that he could 
afford him no assistance, and advised him to surrender 
on the best terms he could obtain. 

9. Monro and his garrison, in hourly expectation 
of relief from fort Edward defended themselves with 
much spirit and resolution, till the Qth of August, 

4 



38 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

when their works having become much injured and 
their anjmunition nearly expended, all their hopes of 
holding out were at once blasted by the reception of 
Webb's letter, which Montcalm had intercepted, and 
now sent in with further proposals for a surrender of 
the fort. Articles of capitulation were therefore agreed 
upon and signed by JVlontcalni and Monro, by which 
it was stipulated, that the garrison should march out 
with their arms and baggage — should be escorted to 
fort Edward by a detachment of French troops, and 
should not serve against the French for the term of 
18 months — that the works and all warlike stores 
should be delivered to the French — and that the sick 
and wounded of the garrison should remain under the 
protection of Montcalm and should be permitted to 
return as soon as they were recovered. 

10. After the capitulation no further troubles were ap- 
prehended. But the garrison had no sooner marched 
out of the fort, than a scene of perfidy and barbarity 
began to be witnessed, which it is impossible for lan- 
guage to describe. Wholly regardless of the articles 
of capitulation, the Indians attached to the French 
army, fell upon the defenceless soldiers, plundering 
and murdering all who came in their way. The French 
were idle spectators of this bloody scene ; nor could 
all the entreaties of Col Monro persuade them to fur- 
nish the escort, as stipulated in the articles of capitu- 
lation. On this fatal day about 1500 of the English 
were either murdered by the savages or carried by 
them into captivity, never to return. 

11. The day following these horrid transactions, 
Major Putnam was despatched from fort Edward 
with his rangers, to watch the motions of the enemy. 
He reached lake George just after the rear of the 
enemy had left the shore, and awful indeed was the 
scene which presented itself. " The fort was entirely 
demolished, the barracks, out houses, and buildings 
were a heap of ruins — the cannon, stores, boats and 
vessels were all carried away. The fires were still 



MABSACRB OF THE GARRISON. 39 

burning — the smoke and stench, offensive and suffo- 
cating. Innumerable fragments of human skulls and 
bones, and carcases half consumed, were still frying 
and broiling in the decaying fires. Dead bodies, mang- 
led with scalping knives and tomahawks, in all the 
wantonness of Indian fierceness and barbarity, were 
every where to be seen. More than 100 women, butch- 
ered and shockingly mangled, lay upon the ground, 
still weltering in their gore. Devastation, barbarity 
and horror every where appeared ; and the spectacle 
presented was too diabolical and awful either to be 
endured or described." 

12. The French satisfied with their success, retired 
to their works at Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and 
nothing further was effected in this quarter worthy of 
notice, either by the French or English, during the 
remainder of the year ; and thus terminated the cam- 
paign of 1757, in which the English suffered exceed- 
ingly in lives and property and gained nothing. This 
want of success was doubtless owing, in some measure 
to the inefficiency and ignorance of the British ministry 
in relation to American affairs, but is principally to be 
attributed to the want of ability and energy in the 
generals to whom the prosecution of the war was 
intrusted. 



SECTION VII. 



D'ench and English Colonies — Events of 1758. CapturB 
of Louisburg — Ahercrombie defeated — Fort Fronte- 
nac and Du Quesne taken, 

1. The repeated failure of the British arms in 
America, having created much dissatisfaction both at 
home and in the colonies, a change of ministry waa 
found to be indispensable, in order to secure the pub- 



40 HIST©RT OP VERMONT. 

lie confidence and revive the droopin«jf spirits of the 
nation ; and this was effectually done hy the appoint- 
ment of William Pitt one of the secretaries of state. 
From this time the British aftairs in America assumed 
a more favorable aspect. Instead of defeat and dis- 
grace, vicory and triumph now usually attended the 
English arms. Measures were concerted with wisdom 
and prudence and executed with promptness and 
vigor. 

2. In planning the campaign of 1758, it was deter- 
mined that the French settlements should be attacked 
upon several different points at the same time. Twelve 
thousand troops were to attempt the reduction of 
Louisburg in the island of Cape Breton, 16,000 were 
to proceed against Ticonden ga and Crown Point, and 
8,000 against Du Quesne ; and the several American 
colonies were called upon to furnish trooi)s, and to 
make all the exertions in their power to aid and facili- 
tate these expeditions. 

3. General Amherst took command of the expedition 
against Louisburg, assisted by Generals Wolfe,Whit- 
more and Lawrence and by Admiral Boscawen, who 
commanded the fleet. The fleet, consisting of 157 
sail and ha\^ng the troops on board, sailed from 
Halifax in Nova Scotia, on the 28th of May, and on 
the 2nd day of June, anchored about seven miles west 
of Louisburg. On the 8th a landing was effected 
under the gallant Wolfe, and in a few days the place 
was completely invested. The garrison consisted of 
upwards of 3,000 men, mostly regulars, and the harbor 
was defended by s^ix ships of the line and five frigates, 
all under the comtnand of chevalier Drucour. Amherst 
proceeded with caution, but with such vigor that the 
French ships were soon destroyed, and the garrison 
surrendered themselves prisoners of war on the 26th 
of July. 

4. The expedition against the French posts on 
lake Champlain, devolved upon General Abercrombie. 
Having assembled about 7,000 regular and 9fi00 pre 



ABERCROMBIE DEFEATED. 41 

vincial troops, with a fine train of artillery and the 
necessary military stores, he, on the 5th of July, em- 
barked his army at fort William Henry, on board 900 
batteaux and 135 whale boats, and the next morning 
landed, without opposition, near the north end of lake 
George. Forming his men into three columns he 
moved forward towards the enemy, whose advanced 
])arty, consisting of one battalion, lay encamped be- 
hind a breast-work of logs. On tlie a[)proach of the 
English, they set fire to their breast-work and tents and 
retreated with precipitation. The English continued 
to advance, but were soon embarrassed and thrown 
into some disorder by the thickness of the wood. 

5. Lord Howe was in the front of the centre col- 
umn with Major Putnam, when a skirmish commen- 
ced on the left with the party of the enemy which had 
retreated from the breast-work. One hundred men 
immediately filed off under Putnam and Howe, and 
they soon fell in with the enemy, whose first fire proved 
fatal to his lordship. Howe had made himself the 
idol of the army by his aflTabilily and virtues, and his 
fall animated Putnam and his party to avenge his 
death. They cut their way through the enemy, and, 
being joined by another party of the English, slew 
about 300 of the French and took 148 prisoners. But 
the English columns being broken and embarrassed 
by the thickness of the wood, Abercrombie deemed it 
advisable to march back to the place where they had 
landed in the morning, rather than pass the night 
where they were. The next day Col Bradstreet, with 
a detachment of the army, took possession of the saw 
niills without opposition, and the general once more 
advanced upon the enemy. 

6. The fort at Ticonderoga was very favorably sit- 
uated for defence. It was surrounded on three sides 
by water, and about half the other side was pro- 
tected by a deep swamp, while the line of defence 
was completed by the erection of a breast-work nine 

feet high on the only assailable ground. The ground 
4# 



AS BISTORT OF VERMOHrr. 

before the breast-work was covered with felled trees 
and with bushes, arranged with a view to impede 
the approach of the English. The French garrison 
consisted of 6,000 men and a reinforcement of 3,000 
troops under M. de Levy, was expected soon to join 
til em. 

7. Abercrombie, wishing to get possession of the 
fort before the garrison should be augmented by the 
ex{)eeted reinforcement, sent forward his engineer to 
reconnoiter tlie works, who reported that the breast- 
work was unfinished and that he believed the place 
might be immediately assaulted by musketry with a 
fair prospect of success. The general confiding in 
this intelligence, marched forward to the attack in reg- 
ular order and with undaunted firmness. The French 
opened upon them a well directed fire front their 
artillery, notwithstanding which, the English moved 
forward undismayed till they became entangled and 
stopped by the timber which had been felled to im- 
peded their approach. For four hours they strove to 
cut, with iheir swords, their way to the breast-work 
through the limhs and bushes, but without success. 
All this time they were exposed to the deadly fire of 
the enemy, who were completely sheltered by their 
breast- work. Their numbers continually diminishing 
and no prospect of success appearing, Abercrombie 
thought it expedient to retreat, and accordingly led 
back his army to their former encampment without 
being pursued or molested by the enemy. 

8. The English lost in this encounter, 18,00 men, 
killed and wounded, and 2,500 stand of arms. Every 
part of the army engaged behaved with coolness and 
intrepidity, but the loss fell heaviest on a highland 
regiment commanded by Lord Murray. Of this re- 
giment one half of the privates and 25 officers were 
either slain on the spot or severely wounded. So 
severe a loss determined the commander-in-chief to 
withdraw from the scene of carnage, and he hastened 
back whth his Bhattered army^to the encampment at 



ABSRCROMBIIE DEFSATSD. 



4d 



lake George, from whence he sent off all the wound- 
ed, who could be safely removed, to fort Edward and 
Albany. 

9. How far the conduct of General x4.bercrombie is 
reprehensible in this unfortunate affair, it is difficult 
now to determine. The censure of mankind almost 
always follows misfortune ; and so it was in the pre- 
sent case. The attempt to take the fort by storm was 
considered a rash and imprudent measure — and the 
retreat was condennied as pusillanimous and unne- 
cessary. And indeed with troops, who had manifested 
such courage and intrepidity in the assault, it is very 
difficult to conceive what could have prevented the 
commencement of a regular siege. 

10. Notwithstanding his defeat and mortification, 
Aberciombie did not suffer his army to remain inac- 
tive. He dispatched General Stanwix to erect a fort 
at the carrying place between the Mohawk and On- 
ondaga rivers ; and Col Bradstreet, with 3,000 men, 
mostly provincials, was ordered to proceed against 
fort Frontenac, situated at the outlet of lake Ontario. 
Bradstreet landed his men within one mile of the fort, 
before the enemy had any intelligence of his approach 
and the garrison, consisting of only 110 Frenchmen, 
with a few Indians, could do no other than surrender 
at discretion. In the fort were found 60 cannon, 16 
mortal's, and small arms, military stores, merchandise 
and provisons in large quantities. He also captured 
all the enemy's shipping on the lake, consisting of nine 
armed vessels ; and having destroyed them and the 
fort he returned to Oswego. 

11. While these things were transacting General 
Forbes was making his advances towards fort Du 
Qusne of which he got possession on the 24th of 
November, the French having abandoned it and re- 
treated dosvn the Ohio river. Having repaired the 
works, he changed the name of the fort to Pittsburgh, 
m honor of William Pitt, the secretary of state who 
was then at the head of American affairs. Such wer« 



44 HISTORY ©F VERMONT. 

the events of the year 1758. TJie British arms had 
every where been successful, excepting in the attack 
upon Ticonderoga, and the hopes and confidence of 
the pubHc were every where revived. General Am- 
herst, having left a strong garrison at Louisburg, re- 
turned to Boston, Thence he proceeded, about the 
middle of September, to Albany, with six regiments, 
and the remainder of the fall and winter were spent 
in concerting measures and making preparations for 
the campaign of the following year. 



SECTION VIII. 

Frencli\and EnglishlColonies — Transactions of 1759 and 
1760. Qitehec taken — Ticonderoga^ Crotvn Point and 
Niagara taken — Expedition against the St Francis In- 
dians — Montreal and Canada surrender. 

1. The advantage obtained over the French in 
the preceding campaign gave the British Minister 
reason to hope this year to complete the conquest of 
Canada. Three expeditions were therefore projected, 
one against Quebec under the command of Gen. Wolfe, 
one against the foils on lake Champlain, under Gen. 
Amherst, who was commander-in-chief of the British 
forces in America, and one against the French fort 
at Niagara, to be conducted by Gen. Prideaux and Sir 
William Johnson. It was believed that while these 
generals were making their attacks on different points, 
they would assist each other, by dividing the forces 
and embarrassing the councils of the enemy. 

2. The conquest of Quebec was looked upon as 
the most important and the most difficult object of 
the campaign. The city was strongly fortified by na- 
ture and art, formidable on account of the number 
and bravery of its inhabitants, and in a situation ,in 



QUEBEC INVESTED BY WOLFK. 45 

which it couJd not be much injured by a fleet, or be 
approached hut with extreme difficulty and hazard by 
land. As soon as the season would permit, Wolfe 
embarked his troops at Louisburg, sailed up the St 
Lawrence and in the latter part ot June landed his 
whole army on the island of Orleans a little below 
Quebec, without difficulty or opposition. 

3. Quebec was commanded l)y Montcalm, an able 
and experienced general ; and was defended by works 
which were deenjed impregnable, and by an army 
much more numerous than that of the English. Wolfe 
continued his offensive operations without a prospect of 
success till the beginning of September, when it was 
resolved, if ])ossible, to effiict a landing above the 
city, and bring the enemy to a general engagement. 
Tlie fleet, with the army on board, moved up the 
river, under Admiral Saunders, and effected a landing 
on the 12th of September a little after midnight. 
Wolfe put himself at the head of the first party, as- 
cended the heights, and drew up his men in order as 
fast as they arrived. 

4. Montcalm no sooner learned that the British had 
gained the heights of Abraham, than he abandoned 
his strong camp at Moutmorenci, resolved to hazard 
an engagement. Both armies were soon drawn up 
in order of battle with their respective generals at 
their head. About 9 o'clock, the French army ad- 
vanced, opening at the same time an irregular and 
ill directed fire. The fire of the English was reserved 
till the enemy had approached within 40 yards of 
their line, when it was opened with efl^ect and kept 
up with much spirit. Both generals were determined 
to conquer or die, and for a while the conflict was 
dreadful. But the English advanced with such firm- 
ness and intrepidity, that the French were unable to 
stand, and were soon defeated and dispersed or made 
prisoners. 

5. Wolfe and Montcalm both fell at the head of 
theii- respective armies. The loss of the French in 



46 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

this battle was 500 slain, and about 1000 prisoners. 
The English had 50 killed, including 9 officers, and 
500 wounded. The French, disheartened by their 
losses, were thrown into great confusion ; and on the 
18th of September, the remainder of the French troops 
and the city of Quebec were surrendered into the 
hands of the English. 

6. While these things were transacting at Quebec, 
General Amherst was cautiously advancing along lake 
Champlain. He arrived in the vicinity of Ticondero- 
ga in the latter part of July, without opposition, and im- 
mediately began to make preparations for reducing 
the fortress by a regular siege. The enemy, at first, 
manifested a disposition to make a resolute stand, but 
soon dispaired of holding out against the cautious ad- 
vances of Amherst, and on the 27th of July, having 
dismantled the fortress, they abandoned it, and repair- 
ed to Crown Point. 

7. The next day Amherst took possession of the 
fort, and began immediately to repair and enlarge it, 
and to make preparations for proceeding against Crown 
Point. He had scouting parties continually employed 
to watch the motions of the enemy, one of which return- 
ed to the English camp on the first of August with in- 
telligence that the French had abandoned Crown Point 
also, and had gone down the lake without destroying 
their works. A body of rangers was immediately dis- 
pached to take possession of the place and on the 
4th of August the whole army moved forward to Crown 
Point, where they also enlarged and strengthened the 
fortifications. 

8. The French troops retired to the isle Aux Noix, 
which is situated at the north end of the lake, and 
effectually commands the passage into Canada in this 
quarter. Here they collected their forces, to the amount 
of 3500, well provided with artillery, and resolved to 
make a stand against the English. The French hav- 
ing four vessels on the lake, mounted with cannon, 
Amherst thought it not advisable to proceed further, 



MAJOR ROGERS' EXPEDITION. 4/ 

till he had provided a superior naval force. In the 
mean time he was determined that the Indians should 
feel his resentment for their repeated depredations 
upon the Enghsh colonies. Maj. Rogers, a brave and 
experienced officerTrom New Hampshire, was there- 
fore selected to conduct an expedition against the St 
Francis Indians, whose village was situated on the 
south side of the St.Lawrence not far from Three Riv- 
ers. These Indians were noted for their massacres 
and cruelties to the English. 

9. Rogers embarked at Crown Point, on the 12th 
of September, with 200 men, and proceeded down 
the lake in batteaux. On the fifth day after he set 
out, while encamped on the eastern shore of the lake, 
a keg of gunpowder accidentally exploded, by which 
a captain and several men were wounded, who were 
sent baek to Crown Point, with a party to attend them. 
This event reduced Rogers' force to 14"^ men. With 
these he moved forward to Missisco bay, where he 
concealed his boats among some bushes which hung 
over one of the streams, and left in them provisions 
sufficient to carry them back to Crown Point. 

10. Having left two of his rangers to watch the 
boats, Rogers advanced into the wilderness ; but, the 
second evening after he left the bay, he was overtaken 
by his trusty rangers, and informed that a party of 
400 French and Indians had discovered the boats and 
sent them away with 50 men, and that the remainder 
were in pursuit of the English. Rogers kept this 
intelligence to himself but dispatched a Lieutenant 
and eight men, with the two rangers, to Crown Point, 
to inform Gen, Amherst of what had taken place, and 
request him to send provisions to Coos on Connecticut 
river, by which route he intended to return. 

11. Rogers now determined to outmarch the ene- 
my, and pushed onward towards St Francis with the 
utmost expedition. He come in sight of the village 
on the evening of the 4th of October, and, leaving 
his men to refresh themselves, he dressed himself in 



48 HISTORY OF VERMONT, 

the Indian garb, and wont forward to reconnoiter the 
town. He found the Indians engaged in a grand 
dance, without apprehensions of danger, and, return- 
ing about one o'clock, he led forward his men, within 
500 yards of the town. At four o'clock the dance 
was ended and the Indians retired to rest. 

12. Having posted his men in the most favorable 
situation, at day break Rogers commenced the assault. 
The place was completely surprised. The Indian 
method of slaughter was adopted. — Wherever the 
savages were found, without regard to age or sex, 
they were slain without distinction and without mer- 
cy. As the light appeared the ferocity of the pro- 
vincials was increased by discovering the scalps of 
several hundred of their countrymen suspended on 
poles and waving in the air. They were determined 
to revenge the blood of their Iriends and relations and 
spared no pains completely to destroy the village and 
its inhabitants. Of the 300 souls, which the village 
contained, 200 were slain on the spot, and 20 taken 
prisoners. The English lost only one killed and six 
slightly wounded. 

13. Having reduced the village to ashes, and re- 
freshed his men, Rogers set out on his return, at 8 
o'clock in the morning, with the addition of five En- 
glish captives, whom he had retaken, and such articles 
of plunder as he could easily carry away. To avoid 
his pursuers he proceeded up the river St Francis, 
and directed his course toward Coos on the Connec- 
ticut. On his march he was several times attacked in 
the rear and lost seven men, but forming an ambus- 
cade on his own track, he at length fell upon the 
enemy with such success as to put an end to further 
annoyance or pursuit. 

14. In the mean time, by order of Gen. Amherst, 
Samuel Stevens and three others proceeded from 
Charlestown up Connecticut river, with two canoes, 
loaded with provisions. They landed on Round island, 
at the mouth of Passumpsuc river, where they encamp- 



INDIAN AND COLONIAL WARS. 49 

ed for the night ; but in the morning, hearing the 
report of guns and supposing Indians to be in the vi- 
cinity, they were so terrified, that tlioy reloaded their 
provisions and hastened back to Charlestown. Rogers 
w^as at this time encamped a few miles up the Pas- 
sumpsuc. About noon he reached the mouth of that 
river, and, observing fire on the island, he m;ide a 
raft and passed over to it ; but to his surprise and 
disappointment, no provisions had been left. His mcji, 
already reduced to a state of starvation, n'ere s(i dis- 
heartened by this discovery that 36 of them died before 
the next day. An Indian was then cut to pieces and 
divided among the survivors ; and tlie next day Ro- 
gers gave up the command of his men and told them 
to take care of themselves. Some were lost in the 
woods, but Rogers and most of his party after almost 
incredible hardships, succeeded in reachmg Charles- 
town. 

15. While Rogers was humbling the Indians, 
Amherst was prc})aring a naval force to attack the 
enemy at the Isle Aux Noix. This being in readiness. 
he proceeded down the lak(; in the beginning of Oc- 
tober ; but, the season being far advanced aiid tin 
weather becoming tempestuous, the expedition wao 
abandoned, and he returned to Crown Point, after 
having taken, or destroyed, most of the enemy's ship- 
])ing. Here Amlierst spent the remainder of the 
autunm in enlarging the works and putting every 
thing in readiness for another campaign. 

IG. Gen. Prideaux had })receeded to Niagara in 
the begiiuiing of summer, and invested the fort al)out 
the middle of July ; but, being unfortunately killed on 
the 20th of that month, the cojnmand devolved upon 
Sir William Johnson. Johnson prosecuted the siege 
with the greatest vigor, and, on the morning of the 
24th of Jul}^, intercepted and defeated, after a severe 
conflict, a body of 1200 French and some Indians, who 
were marching to the rehef of the garrison. This 
battle was fought in sight of the fort, and, in the 
5 



50 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

evening of the same day, the garrison surrendered 
theinselv^es prisoners of war. 

17. Montreal was now the only place of much 
strength, or consequence, in possession of the French ; 
and towards this point, at the opening ot the campaign 
of 1760, the English concentrated all their efforts. 
It was resolved that, while Gen. Murray, with the 
Enghsh forces at Quebec, proceeded up the St Law- 
rence, Col Haviland should lead on the forces fi'oni 
lake Champlain, and Gen. Amherst should approach 
Montreal vnth a considerable force by the way of 
lake Ontario. These armies moved forward with 
but little opposition, and, what is remarkable, without 
any knowledge of each others' progress, they all 
arrived at Montreal on the 6th and 7th of September, 
w^ithin two days of each other. 

18. Amherst began innnediately to prepare for 
laying siege to the city, and was getting on his ar- 
tillf ry for that purpose, when he received a flag of 
truce from Vaudrieul, the French commander, who 
sent two officers, demanding proposals for a capitu- 
lation. Amherst stated his terms, to which tlie French 
finally submitted, and, on the 8th of September, 1760, 
tbp ^^ hole province of Canada was surrendered to 
the British ; and by the treaty of peace signed at 
Paris, Febiiiary 10, 1763, this province was formally 
ceded to the king of Great Britain. 



HISTORY OF VERMONT. 



CHAPTER II. 

SETTLEMENT AND CONTROVERSY WITH NEW YORK. 



SECTION I. 

Vermont previous to the year 1760. 

1. During the Colonial and Indian wars, the ter- 
ritory of Vermont, as already remarked, was the great 
thoroughfare, through which most of their expeditions 
proceeded, and on which many of their battles were 
fought. Being situated nearly at an equal distance 
from the French on the one hand and the English 
on the other, it was constantly exposed to the depre- 
dations of both, and became the favorite lurking 
place of their Indian allies. On this account the 
settlement of the country had long been regarded 
as dangerous and impracticable: nor was it until after 
the complete conquest of Canada by the English in 
1760, that any considerable settlements were made. 
Several places, it is true, had been previously occupied 
both by the Fi'ench and English ; but they are rather 
to be regarded as military posts than actual settle- 
ments. 

2. The first civilized establishment within the pre- 



52 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

sent limits of Vermont, was made in 1724, by the 
erection of fort Dummer, in the southeastern corner 
of the township of Brattleborough. The whole of 
this tract of country had previously, from time im- 
meujorial, been in possession of the native Indians. 
But it does not appear, that, subsequent to the dis- 
covery of this territory by Champlain in 1609, the 
natives had ever resided here in very considerable 
innnbeis. The western parts, including lake Cham- 
})]ain, were claimed by the Iroquois, the northeastern 
parts and lake Memphremagog, by the St Francis and 
other Canadian tribes, and the southeastern parts on 
Connecticut river were regarded as belonging to the 
natives in the neighborhood of JMassachusetts Bay. 
Some establishments were, at times, made upon the 
shores of these waters by these several tribes, but it 
appears that this territorj'^ was rather regarded by them 
as a hunting ground than a permanent residence. 

3. Although this tract of country was in some 
parts mountainous and unproductive, the forests 
were, in general, well stored with game, and the lakes, 
rivers and smaller streams abounded in excellent 
lish, which might have afforded subsistence to a very 
considerable population in the savage state. We 
must therefore look to some other cause for the scan- 
tiness of the population of these regions, than the 
incapacity of the country to su])port it; and this is 
undoubtedly to be found in its local situation with 
r<\^])cct to tiie various Indian nations. Lying on the 
frontier of several powerful tribes who were inces- 
santly at war with each other, it became the bloody 
theatre of their battles and was constantly exposed 
to hostile invasions from every quarter. Hence we 
perceive that the same causes prevented its becoming 
a permanent residence of the Indians in earlier times, 
wliich operated during the colonial wai's to prevent 
its being settled by the French and English. 

4, As early as the year 1752, it was proposed by 
the English to lay out a township and commence a 



FIRST SETTLEMEI^Tfi. 53 

settlement at Coos, on the west side of Connecticut 
river, where tlie township of Newbury in this state 
now hes ; and a party proceeded up the river for tliat 
purpose. But before they had com])leted their 
survey, they were observed by a party of St Francis 
Indians, who, perceiving their design, forbade their 
proceeding and compelled them to return without 
accomplishing their object. The Indians at the same 
time sent a message to the commander of the fort at 
Charlestown, N. H. stating to him in the most positive 
terms that they sliould not suffer the English to 
settle at Coos ; and so much was the resentment of 
the Indians dreaded at this early period, that the un- 
dertaking was immediately relinquished. 

5. Soon after tiie erection effort Dummer, several 
block-houses were built for the ])rotection of the 
settlers in that part of Hinsdale, N. H. which was 
situated on the west side of the Connecticut, and 
which is now called Vernon ; and, before the year 
1754, settlements had been commenced in Vermont 
as far up the Connecticut as Westminster and Rock- 
ingham. But their advancement was now stopped 
by the breaking out of what was called the Frencli 
War, which continued, as related in the prece- 
ding chapter, till the final conquest of Canada in 
1760. During this war, these feeble settlements 
were continually harrassed and annoyed by the 
French and Indians. The inhabitants could not 
cultivate their fields without being every moment 
exposed to the deadly fire of a lurking foe. Their 
block-houses were frequently surprised and taken, 
and the inhabitants either massacred, or carried into 
captivity. 

6. No permanent settlement was effected in Ver- 
mont on the west side of the Green Mountains, till 
after the conquest of Canada by the English. When 
the French proceeded up lake Champlain and erected 
their fortress at Crown Point, in 1731, they began a 
settlement at the same time on the east side of the 

5^ 



54 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

lake in the present townsliip of Addison. This settle- 
ment was, however, broken up and all the settlers 
retired, with the Frensh garrison, into Canada, 
before Gen. Amherst in 1759. 

7. Such was the original condition of Vermont, 
and such were the estabHshments made within its 
limits previous to the year 1760. No permanent 
settlements had been made, at the close of this period, 
except upon the banks of Connecticut river, in tlie 
present county of Windham, and here the settlers 
were few and scattered, probably not amounting in 
the whole to more than two or three hundred. But 
in tiieir expeditions against the French, the English 
colonists had made themselves acquainted with the 
fertility and value of the lands lying between Con- 
necticut river and lake Champlain, and the conquest 
of Canada having now removed the dithculty and 
danger of settling then), swarms of adventurers began 
to emigrate hither, and from the year 1760, the popu- 
lation of Vermont began to increase with considerable 
rapielity. 



SECTION II 



Controversy betiveen JVeiv Hampshire and New Yorh 
respecting the, teriitory of Vermont— from 1749 to 
1764. 

1. When the English commenced their establish- 
ment at fort Dummer, that fort was supposed to lie 
within the limits of Massachusetts, and the settlements 
in that vicinity were first made under grants from 
that provincial government. But after a long and 
tedious controversy, between Massachusetts and New 
Hampshire respecting their division line, king George 
II. finally decreed, on the 5th of March, 1740, that 
the northern boundary of the province of Massachu- 



CONTROVERSY — N. H. AND N. YORK. 55 

setts, be a similar curve line, pursuing the course of 
the Merimac river, at three miles distant on the 
north side thereof, beginning at the Atlantic ocean, 
and ending at a ])oint due north of Patucket falls ; 
and a straight line draw^n from thence due west until 
it meets his Majesty's other governments. 

2. This line was surveyed by Richard Hazen, in 
1741, when fort Dummer was found to lie beyond 
the limits of Massachusetts to the north ; and, as the 
king of Great Britain repeatedly recommended to the 
assembly of New Hampshire to make provision for 
its support, it was generally supposed to have fallen 
within the jurisdiction of that province, and, being 
situated on the west side of the Connecticut, it was 
supposed that New Hampshire extended as far west- 
ward as Massachusetts ; that is, to a line twenty miles 
east of Hudson's river. 

3. In the year 1741, Benning Wentworth was 
commissioned goverjior of the province of New 
Hampshire. On the 3d of January, 1749, he made 
a grant of a township of land six miles square, situa- 
ted, as he conceived, on the western border of New 
Hampshire, being twenty miles east of the Hudson 
and six miles north of Massachusetts line. This 
township, in allusion to his own name, he called 
Bennington. About the same time, a correspondence 
was opened between him and the governor of the 
province of New York, in which were urged their 
respective titles to the lands on the west side of Con- 
necticut river ; yet without regard to these interfering 
claims, Wentworth proceeded to make further grants. 

4. These grants had amounted to 16 townships 
in 1754, but, this year, hostilities were commenced 
between the French and English colonies, which put 
a stop to further applications and grants till the close 
of the war, in 1760. During this war, the New Eng- 
land troops opened a road from Charlestown in New 
Hampshire to Crown Point, and by frequently passing 
through these lands, became well acquainted with 



56 



HISTORY OF VERMONT. 



their fertility and value ; and the concjuest of Canada 
having finally removed the danger oif settling in this 
part of the country, these lands were now eagerly 
sought by adventurers and speculators. 

5. The governor of New Hampshire, by advice 
of his council, now ordered a survey to be made of 
Connecticut river for sixty miles, and three tiers of 
townships to be laid out on each side. As the ap- 
plications for lands still increased, further surveys 
were ordered to be made, and so numerous were 
the applications, that during the year 1761, no less 
than sixty townships of six miles square were granted 
on the west side of Connecticut river. The whole 
number of grants, in one or two years more, had 
amounted to one hundred and thirty eight. Their 
extent was from Connecticut on the east to what was 
esteemed twenty miles east of Hudson river, so far 
as that river extended to the northward, and after 
that as far westward as lake Chamjjlain. 

6. By the fees and other emoluments, which 
Wentvvorth received in return for these grants, and 
by reserving five hundred acres in each township for 
himself, he was evidently accumulating a large for- 
tune. The goveriunent of New York, wishing to 
have the profits of these lands, became alarmed at 
the proceedings of the governor of New Hampshire 
and determined to check them. For this purpose 
Mr Cold en, lieut governor of New York, on the 
28th of December, 1763, issued a proclamation, in 
which he recited the grants made by Charles II. to 
the Duke of York, in 1664, and in 1674, which em- 
braced among other parts " all the lands from the 
west side of Connecticut river to the east side of 
Delaware bay." Founding his claim upon this grant, 
he ordered the sherifif of the county of Albany to 
make returns of the names of all persons who had 
taken possession of lands on the west side of the 
Connecticut, under titles derived from the govern- 
ment of New Hampshire, 



i 



PROCLAMATIONS OF THE GOVERNORS. 57 

7. To prevent the effects which this proclamation 
was calculated to produce, and to inspire confidence 
in the validity of the New Hampshire grants, the gov- 
ernor of New Hampshire, on his part, put forth a 
counter proclamation, on the 13th of March, 1764, in 
which he declared that the grant to the Duke of York 
was obsolete; — that New Hampshire extended as far 
west as Massachusetts and Connecticut, and that ihe 
grants made by New Hamjisliire wouM be confirm- 
ed by the crown, if the jurisdiction should be altered. 
He exhorted the settlers to be industrious and diligent 
in cultivating their lands, and not to be intimidated 
by the threatenings of New York. He required all 
the civil ofticers to exercise jurisdiction as far west 
as grants had been made, and to punish all disturbers 
of the peace. This proclamation served to quiet the 
minds of the settlers. Having purchased their lands 
under a charter from a royal governor, and after such 
assurances from him, they had no idea that a con- 
troversy between the two provinces, respecting the 
extent of the jurisdiction, would ever effect the va- 
lidity of their titles. 

8. New York had hitherto founded her claim to 
the lands in question upon the grant to the Duke of 
York, but choosing no longer to rely on so precarious 
a tenure, application was now made to the crown for 
a confirmation of their claims. This application was 
supported b}' a petition, purporting to be signed by a 
great number of the settlers on the New Hampshire 
grants, representing that it would be for their advant- 
age to be annexed to the colony of New York, and 
praying that the western bank of Connecticut river 
might be established, as the eastern boundary of that 
province. In consequence of this petition and ap- 
plication of the government of New York, his Majesty, 
on the 20th of July, 1764, ordered that "the western 
bank of Connecticut river, from where it enters the 
province of Massachusetts bay, as far north as the 45th 
degree of north latitude, be the boundary line bo- 



58 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

tween the said provinces of New Hampshire and 
N ew York." This determination does not appear to 
be founded on any previous grant, but was a decision 
which the wishes and convenience of the people 
were supposed to demand. 

9. Surprised as were the settlers on the New 
Hampshire grants at this order, it i)roduced in them 
no serious alarm. They regarded it as merely ex- 
tending the jurisdiction of New York, in future, over 
their territory. To this jurisdiction they were wilhng 
to submit ; but they had no apprehension that it 
could, in any way, affect their title to the lands upon 
which they had settled. Having purchased and paid 
for them, and obtained deeds of the same under 
grants from the crown, they could not imagine by 
what pei'version of justice they could be compelled, 
by the same authority, to re-purchase their lands or 
abandon them. The governor of New Hampshire, 
at first, remonstrated against this change of jurisdic- 
tion ; but was, at length, induced to abandon the 
contest, and issued a proclamation recommending to 
the proprietors and settlers, due obedience to the au- 
thority and laws of the colony of New York. 



SECTION III. 

Controversy ivith J^eio York from 1764 to 1773. 

1. The roj^al decree, by which the division line 
between New Hampshire and New York was estab- 
lished, was regarded very differently by the different 
parties concerned. The settlers on the New Hamp- 
shire grants, considered, that it only placed them 
hereafter under the jurisdiction of New York, and to 
this they were willing to submit ; but they had no 
idea that their titles to their lands, or that any past 
transactions, could be affected by it. Had the gov- 



CONTROVERSY — N. Y. AND THE SETTLERS. 59 

ernmenl of New York given the royal decision the 
same interpretation, no controversy would ever have 
arisen. The settlers would have acknowledged its 
jurisdiction and submitted to its authority without a 
murmur. But that government gave the decision a 
very different construction. It contended that the 
order had a retrospective operation, and decided, not 
only what should thereafter be, but what had always 
been, the eastern limit of New York, and consequent- 
ly, that the grants made by New Hampshire were 
illegal and void. 

2. In this state of things the government of New 
York proceeded to extend its jurisdiction over the 
New Hampshire grants. The territory was divided 
into four counties, and courts of justice were estab- 
lished in each. The settlors were called upon to 
surrender their charters and rc-purohase their lands 
under grants from New York. Some of them com- 
plied with this order, but most of them peremptorily 
refused. The lands of those who did not comply, 
were therefore granted to others, in- whose names 
actions of ejectment were commenced in the courts 
at Albany, and judgments invariably obtained against 
the settlers and original ])ro})rietors. 

3. The settlers soon found that they had nothing 
to hope from the customary forms of law, and there- 
fore determined upon resistance to the unjust and 
arbitrary decisions of the court, till his Majesty's 
pleasure should be further known. Having fairly 
purchased their lands ef one royal governor they 
were determined, not willingly to submit and re- 
purchase them, at an exhorbitani price, of another ; 
and when the executive officers of New York came 
to eject the inhabitants from their possessions, they 
met with avowed opposition, and were not suffered 
to proceed in the execution of their business. 

4. For the purpose of rendering their resistance 
more eflectual, various associations were formed 
among the settlers ; and, at length, a coiivention ot 



00 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

representatives from the several towns on the west 
side of the mountains, was called. This convention, 
after mature deliberation, appointed Samuel Robin- 
son of Bennington, an agent to represent, to the Court 
of Great Britain, the grievances of the settlers, and 
to obtain, if possible, a coiifirmation of the New 
Hampshire grants. The actions of ejectment were, 
however, still going on in the courts at Albany, but 
no attention was paid to them by the settlers, nor was 
any defence made ; but the settlers were very careful 
that none of the decisions of the court should be car- 
ried into execution. 

5. In consequence of the representations made 
by Mr Robinson at the British Court, his Majesty 
issue<l a special order, prohibiting the governor of 
New York, upon pain of his Majesty's highest dis- 
pleasure, from making any further grants whatsoever 
of the lands in question, till his Majesty's further 
pleasure should be known concerning the same. But, 
notwithstanding this explicit prohibition, the gov- 
ernor of New York continued to make grants, and 
writs of ejecttnent continued to be issued. About 
this time, a convention of the settlers was held at 
Bennington, in which it was " Resolved to support 
their lights and property which they possessed under 
the New Hampshire grants, against the usurpation 
and unjust claims of the governor and council of 
New York, 6^ force^ as law and justice were denied 
them," 

6. A spirited and determined resistance to the 
civil officers of New York, followed the adoption of 
this resolution, and, in consequence, several of the 
settlers were indicted as rioters. But the officers 
sent to apprehend them, says a writer of tliat period, 
" were seized by the people and severely chastised 
with hvigs of the unlderness.^^ A military association 
was now forujcd, of which Elhan Allen was appoint- 
ed Colonel Counnandant, and Seih Warner, Remem- 
ber Barker, Robert Cockran, Gideon Warner, and 



CONTROVERSY — N. Y. AND THE GRANTS. 61 

some others were appointed captains. Committees 
of safety were likewise appointed in several of the 
towns on the west side of the Green Mountains. 

7. On the other hand, the miHtia were ordered 
out to assist the slierifFin the execution of his office. 
But the militia of the neighhorhood were rather in 
sentiment with the settlers, an 1 had no disposition to 
hazard their lives for the emohnnent of a few specu- 
lators; and the sheritF found his power as unavailing 
with the posse comitatus, as without them ; for upon the 
appearance of an armed opposition, he found it im- 
possihle to keep the militia together. While affairs 
were in this state, the governor of New York issued 
a prochunation, ofiering a reward of £150 for the 
a])prehension of Ethan Allen, and £50 each, for Seth 
Warner and five others. Allen and the other pre- 
scribed persons, in their turn, issued a proclamation 
offering five pounds for af)})rehen(ling and deliv- 
ering to any officer of the Green ^Mountain Boys, the 
attorney General of the colony of New York. 

8. In 1772 the governor of New York made an 
attempt to cojiciliate the minds of the inhabitants of 
the New Hampshire grants, and Vv'ith that view wrote 
to the Rev. Mr Dewy of Bennington, and to the in- 
habitants of Bennington and the adjacent country, 
inviting them to lay before him the causes of their ille- 
gal proceedings. He assured them that, botij he and 
the council^ were disposed to give them such relief as 
the situation and circumstances of the peo-ple would 
justify, and he engaged fidl security and protection to 
any Jjci'sohs they miglit choose to s(Mid to New York 
on that business, excepting Allen, Warner and three 
others. « 

9. Answers were written to this communication 
of Gov. Tryon, by the inhabitants, and by the ex- 
cepted persons, in which they gave an explanation 
of their conduct, and of the pi-inciples uj)on which 
they acted. They also api)ointe(l Ca})t. Stephen Fay 
and Mr .Ttuias Fay to wait upon the governor with 
their conimunicaticns, and iniiiotiale business on the 



62 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 



pait of the settlers. These agents were kindly re- 
ceived by his Excellency, and had their grievances j 
laid before the council. The council reported in 
their favor, and recommended that his Excellency 
afford all the relief in his power, by suspending, until 
his Majesty's pleasure should be known, all piosecii- 
tions in behalf of the crown, on account of crimes 
with which the settlers stood charged. Thej^ further 
recommended that the owners of disputed lands, 
claimed under grants from New York, should sus- 
pend, during the same period, all civil suits concern- 
ing the lands in question. 

10. The i-eport was approved by the governor 
and communicated to the inhabitants of Bennington 
and the vicinity. But while this business was trans- 
acting, the Green Mountain Boys proceeded to dis- 
possess certain settlers upon Otter Creek, who claim- 
ed their lands under titles derived from New York ; 
in consequence of which the overnor again ad- 
dressed a letter to the inhabitants requiring the 
lands and tenements to be restored forth\^•ith to the 
dis[)OSsesscd persons. An answer to this letter was 
returned by a convention of delegates from the prin- 
cii)al towns on the west side of the mountains held 
at Manchester, August 27th, 1772, in which they 
gave a minute and full account of their transactions 
in dispossessing the settlers on Otter Creek and con- 
tended that their proceedings were justifiable from 
the circumstances of the case. The inhabitants re- 
quested his Excellency to return an answer to their 
comniunication, but it does not appear that he saw 
fit to comi)ly, and here the negotiation probably end- 
ed. 



1 



CHARACTER OF THE SETTLERS. 63 



SECTION IV. 

Character of the settlers on the JVeiv Hampsire grants 
and their modes of punishment. 

1. The settlers on the New Hampshire grants 
were a brave, hardy, but uncultivated race of men. 
They knew little of the etiquette of refined society, 
were blessed with few of the advantages of educa- 
tion, and were destitute of the elegancies, and in 
most cases of the common conveniences of life. 
They were sensible that they must rely upon the la- 
bor of their own hands for their daily subsistence, 
and for the accummulation of property. They 
possessd minds which were naturally strong and ac- 
tive, and they were aroused to the exercise of their 
highest energies by the difficulties which they were 
compelled to encounter. The controversy in which 
they were engaged involved their dearest rights. 
On its issue depended not only their titles to their 
possessions, but, in many cases, their personal liberty 
and safety. Though unskilled in the rules of logic, 
their reasoning was strong and conclusive, and they 
possessed the courage and perseverance necessary 
for carrying their decisions into execution. 

2. We have already observed that, at the head of 
the opposition to the proceedings of New York, 
stood Ethan Allen, a man obviously fitted by na- 
ture for the circumstances and exigencies of the 
times. Bold, ardent and unyielding, he possessed 
an unusual degree of vigor both of body and mind, 
and an unlimited confidence in his own abilities. 
With these qualifications, the then existing state of 
the settlement rendered him peculiarly fitted to be- 
come a i)rominent and successful leader. During 
the progress of the controversy, Allen wrote and dis- 
persed several pamphlets, in which he exhibited, iu 



64 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

a manner peculiar to himself, and well suited to the 
state of public feeling, the injustice and cruelty of 
the claims and ])roeeedings of New York. And al- 
though these ])amphlets are unwortljy of notice as 
literary productions, yet, ihey were at the time exten- 
sively circulated, and contributed much to inform the 
minds, arouse the zeal, ajid unite the efforts of the 
settlers. 

3. The uncultivated roughness of Allen's temper 
and manners were well suited to give a just descrip- 
tion of the views and proceedings of a band of 
speculating and un])rincipled land joblj^rs. His 
method of writing was likewise well ada})ted to the 
condition and feelings of the settlers, and probably 
exerted a greater influence over their o})inions and 
conduct, than the sanie sentiments would have done 
clothed in the chaste style of classic elegance. Nor 
did it differ greatly in style, or literary merit, from 
the pamphlets which came from New York. But 
though Allen wrote with asperity and freedom, there 
was something generous and noble in his conduct. 
He refrained from every thing which had the appear- 
ance of meanness, injustice, cruelty or abuse towards 
those who fell into his power, and protested against 
the same in others. 

4. Next to Allen, Seth Warner seems to have 
acted the most conspicuous part among the settlers. 
He, like Allen, was firm and resolute, fully determin- 
ed that the decisions of New York against the settlers 
should never be carried into execution. But while 
Allen was daring and sometimes rash and imprudent, 
Warner was always cool, calm and comparatively, 
cautious. After W^arner was proscribed as a rioter, 
an ofMcer was sent from New York to apprehend 
him. He, considering it au affair of open liostility, 
defended himself against the officer, and in turn at- 
tacked, wounded and disarmed him ; but, with the 
spirit and generosity of a soldier, he spared his life. 

5. Notwithstanding the attenjpts which had been 



MODES OF PUNISIIMEM'. 65 

made to arrest the progress of the controversy and 
the orders which had been received from tlie crow^n, 
it does not appear tliat the government of New York 
had, at any time, taken measures to prevent llie lo- 
cation and settlement of lands under New York 
titles. The cause of contention therefore still remain- 
ed. A reconciliation had been attempted, and its 
failure served to embitter the resentment of the con- 
tending parties, and to produce a state of hostility 
more decided and alarming. 

6. It a])pears that committees wei-e appointed in 
the several towns on the west side of the mountains, 
and that these connnittees met in convention, or gen- 
eral committee, as occasion required, to concert 
measures for the common defence. By this conven- 
tion it had been decreed that no person should take 
grants, or confirmations of grants, under the govern- 
ment of New York. They also forbade " a!l the 
Inhabitants in the district of the New Hampshire 
grants to hold, take, or accejit any office of honor, or 
profit, under the colony of New York ; and all civil 
and military officers, who had acted under the au- 
thority of the governor, or legislature of New York 
were recpiired to suspend their functions on the pain 
of being viewed.''^ 

7. These decrees had all the force of law, and the 
infraction of them was always punished with exem- 
plary severity. The punishment most frequently 
inflicted was the application of the '■'■ beech seaV to the 
naked back, and banishment from the grants. This 
mode of punishment derived its name from allusion 
to the great seal of the province of New Hampshire, 
which was affixed to the charters of the townshi])s 
granted by the governor of that province, of which 
the hzech rod, well laid upon the naked backs of the 
" Yorkers," and their adherents, was humorously con- 
sidered a confirmation. 

8. That the reader may have a just idea of the 
summarv manner in which the convention and com- 

6* 



66 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

mittees proceeded against those who violated their 
decrees, we will lay before them the sentence of Ben- 
jamin Hough, as a sample. It appears that the 
culprit had accepted the office of justice of the peace 
under the authority of New York, and had officiated in 
that capacity. Being arrested and brought before the 
committee of safety at Sunderland, he pleaded the 
jurisdiction and authority of New York, but was 
answered by the decree of the convention, which 
forbade all persons holding any office, civil, or mili- 
tary, under the colony of New York. The committee 
therefore in the presence of a large concourse of peo- 
ple pronounced u])on him the following sentence, 
viz. " That the prisoner be taken from the bar of this 
committee of safety andbe tied to a tree, and there, on his 
naked back, receive one hundred sti-ipes ; his back be- 
ing dressed, he should depart out of the district, and on 
return, to suffer death, unless by special leave of com- 
mitteey 

9. Although the application of the beech seal was 
the most common punishment, others were frequent- 
ly resorted to. Some of these were in their nature 
trifling and puerile. The following may serve as a 
specimen. A gentleman of Arlington became a par- 
tisan of New York and spoke in reproachful terms 
of the convention and of the proceedings of the Green 
Mountain Boys. He advised the settlers to submit to 
New York, and re-purchase their lands from that 
government. Being requested to desist, and disre- 
garding it, he was arrested and carried to the Green 
Mountain tavern in Bennington. The committee 
after hearing his defence ordered him "to be tied in 
an armed chair, and hoisieAto the ^^^u, (a catamount's 
skin, stuffed, sitting upon the signpost twenty fve feet 
from the ground ivith large teeth, grinning towards JS\w 
York), and there to hang two hours in sight of the 
people, as a ]:)unishment merited by his enmity to the 
rights and liberties of the inhabitants of the New 
Hampshire grants." This sentence was executed to 



CONTROVERSY WITH NEW YORK. 6i 

the no small merritnent of a large concourse of peo- 
ple ; and when he was let down he was dismissed by 
the committee with the exhortation to " go and sin 
no more." 



SECTION Y. 



Controversy with JVew York from 1773 to 1775 — Mina- 
tory act of JVew York — Resolutions and remonstrance 
of the settlers. 

1. The proceedings of the settlers on the New 
Hampshire grants against those who were sent to 
dispossess tliem of their lands, and then- summary 
treatment of those whom they conceived to be ene- 
mies to their rights and liberties, were regarded by 
the government of New York, as open acts of treason 
and rebellion. They looked upon the Green Moun- 
tain Boys as a lawless banditti, and, confident in their 
own strength, and miscalculating the power, and re- 
sistance of a few determined spirits acting on the 
defiencive, and driven to desperation, they resolved 
to bring them to merited punishment. For this pur- 
pose they proceeded to adopt measures "the most 
minatory and despotic of any thing which had ever 
aj)peared in the British Colonies." 

2. A committee of the general assembly of New 
York, on the 5th day of Februajy, 1774, passed sev- 
eral resolutions, expressive of their opinion of what 
they were pleased to call the lawless and riotous 
proceedings of the " Bennington Moh f and, among 
other things, they desired his Excellency, the gover- 
nor to offer, by proclamation, a reward for apprehend- 
ing and secin-ing the ring leaders, in those transactions, 
•n the jail at Albany. This committee also recom- 
mended that a law should be passed, the object of 



C]8 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

which should be, more effectually " to suppress riotous 
aiul disorderly proceedings, and to bring offenders to 
condign punishment." 

3. A knowledge of the doings of this committee 
having reached the settlers, through the public 
j)rints, a general meeting of the committees of the 
several townships, was held at the house of Eliakini 
Wellers, in Manchester, on the first day of March, 
1774, and afterwards by adjournment, at Jehial Haw- 
ley's, in Arhngton, on the third Wednesday of the 
same month. At this meeting, was drawn up a 
sketch of the proceedings previous to this period, 
and, after recommending to the government of New ' 
York to wait the determination of his Majesty, before 
])roceeding to further extremities, it was resolved, 

" that as a countr}^ we will stand by and defend our 
friends and neighbors who are indicted at tlie expense 
of our lives and fortunes." It was also resolved " that, 
for the future every necessary preparation be made, 
and that our inhabitants hold themselves in readiness, 
at a minute's warning, to aid and defend those friends 
of ours, who, for their activity in the great and gen- 
eral cause, are falsely denominated rioters." It was, 
at the same time, agreed, that they should act only 
on the defensive, and should encourage the execution 
of the laws in civil cases, and also in criminal prose- 
cutions ^^ihat were so indeed.''^ 

4. While the convention of the New Hampshire 
grants was discussing and ado}>ting these resolutions, 
the general assembly of New Yo)k was proceeding 
to cany into effect the resolutions of the 5th of Feb- 
ruary ; and on the 9th of March, 1774, they enacted 
a law wiiich ]>ut an end to all pros})ect of reconcilia- 
tion. This extraordinary law, (which is of too great 
length to be inserted entire,) enacted, among other 
things equally sanguinary and despotic, — that if any 
person, or persons, oppose any civil officer of New 
York, in the discharge of his official dutji-, " or wilfully 
burn, or destroy, the grain, corn, or hay, of any otlier 



CONTROVERSY WITH NEAV YORK. G9 

persons being in any inclosurc ; or if any persons 
unUuvllilly, riotously and tmnultuously assembled to- 
j>-ethcr to the di^turbance of the public peace, shall, 
unlawfully and with force, demolish, or pull down, 
or begin to demolish, or pull down any dwelling- 
house, barn, stable, grist-mill, saw- mill, or out-house, 
within either of the said counties of Albany and Char- 
lotte ; that then each of said offences shall be adjudged 
felony, without benefit of clergy, and the offenders 
therein shall be adjudged felons, and shall suffer death, 
as in cases of felony, without benefit of clergy." 

5. It was made the duty of the governor to publish 
the names of such persons, in the ])ublic papers, as 
were imlicted in eitiier of the counties of Albany, or 
Charlotte, for any offence made capital by this or any 
other law, with an order in council commanding such 
offender, or offenders, to surrender themselves respec- 
tively, within the s[)ace of seventy days next after 
the publication thereof. This order was to be for- 
warded to the sheriffs and posted up in several public 
places, '• And in case such offenders shall not re- 
spectively surrender themselves, he or they, so neg- 
lecting, or refusing, shall, from the day appointed for 
his surrendry, as aforesaid, be adjudged, demeed 
and, (if indicted for a capital ofTence hereafter to be 
perpetrated,) convicted of felony, and shall suffer 
death, as in cases of persons convicted of felony by 
verdict and judgment, without benefit of clergy," 

6. All crimes committed on the grants, were, by 
this act, permitted to be tried in the county, and by 
the courts, of Albany ; and the courts were empow- 
ered b}^ it, to award execution against such as should 
be indictet! for ca])ital offences, and who should not 
surrender themselves in conformity to the order of 
the governor and council, in the same manner as if 
they had been convicted on a fair and impartial trial. 
A proclamation was at the same time issued by the 
governor of New York, offering a reward of £50 each 
for apprehending and securing, Ethan iVllen, Seth 



70 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

Warner, Remember Barker, Robert Cockran, Peleg 
Sunderland, Silvanus Brown, James Brackenridge, 
and James Smith, wliom tJiey considered the most 
obnoxous of tlie settlers. 

7. We have already observed that the passage of 
the forgoing law put an end to all prospect of recon- 
ciliation, or submission to the claims of New York. 
It was regarded by the settlers on the New Hamp- 
shire grants, as originating solel}^ in the avarice of a 
set of unprincipled speculators, who coveted their 
lands with their valuable improvements ; and as de- 
signed to terrify them into submission. They were 
satisfied that the ])opular sentiment was in their 
favor, that the great body of the people of New York 
felt no interest in enforcing the claims of that pro- 
vince to the lands in question, and former experience 
had proved that the militia could not be brought to 
act against them witli an}'^ effect. 

8. Under such circumstances, the threatenings and 
arbitrary laws of that government were far from in- 
spiring terror. They were rather regarded by the 
settlers with contempt, and, instead of palsying, they 
tended to nei-ve the arm of resistance. Indeed, the 
idea of submission seems never, for a moment, to 
have been entertained b} these brave and determined 
veterans. Having been long inured to toils and 
liardshi|)S, they were prejjared to encounter difficulties 
and dangers with unflinching resolution and firmness. 
And so veiy highly did they prize their personal 
rights and liberties, that, rather than surrender them 
to the arbitrary claims of New York, they almost 
imanimously, resolved to meet death, if^ necessary, in 
their defence. 

9. These views and feelings are fully manifested 
in the remonstrance which they made against the fore- 
going law, as will appear from a few brief extracts, 
taken from that fc^arless and spirited production. Af- 
ter portraying, in their peculiar style, the character 
of the New York government, they proceeded to say, 



CONTROVERSY WITH NEW YORK. 71 

" that by legerdemain, bribery and dece])tioii, they 
liave extended their doiiiinioiis far and wide. They 
have wrangled with, and encroaclied upon, the neigh- 
boring governiTients, and have nsed all manner of 
deceit and fraud to accomplish their designs. Their 
tenants groan under their usury and opj)ression, and 
they have gained, as well as merited, the disap{jro- 
bation and abhorrence of their neighbors. The inno- 
cent blood they have already shed, calls for Heaven's 
vengence on their guilty heads; and, if they should 
come forth in arms against us, thousands of their 
injured neighbors will join with us, to cut off and 
exterminate such aji execrable race of men from the 
face of the earth." 

10. Again, says that document: "we therefore 
advertise such officers, and all persons whatsoe\ er, 
that we are resolved to inflict immediate death on 
whomsoever may attempt the same; (that is, the ap- 
prehension of any of the ])ersons indicted as rioters.) 
And provided any of us, or our party shall be taken, 
and we have not notice sufficient to relieve them ; or 
whether we relieve them or not, we are resolved to 
surround such person, or persons, as shall take them 
whether at his, or their own house, or houses, or 
any where that we can lind him, or them, and shoot 
such person or persons dead. And furthermore, we 
will kill and destroy any pei-son or persons whomso- 
ever, that shall presume to be accessary, — aiding or 
assisting in taking any one of us, as aforesaid ; for, by 
these presents, we give any sr.ch disposed jjerson, or 
persons, to understand, that although they have a 
license b}^ the law aforesaid, to kill us; and an 'in- 
ilemnification' for such miu'der, from the same 
authority, yet they have no indemnification for so 
doing from the Green Mountain Boys ; for our lives, 
Hberties and ])roperties are as verily precious to ns avS 
to any of the king's subjects; but if the governmental 
authority oi' JVew lor^ insists upon killing us, to take 
possession of our " vineyards'''' — let them come on ; we 



72 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

are ready for a game of scalping with them, for our 
martial spirits glow with bitter indignation and con- 
summate fury, to blast their infernal })rojects." 

11. The remonstrance, from which the foregoing 
are extracts, was dated the 26th day of April, 1774, 
and signed by Ethan Allen and six others. About 
this time a ])lan ^vas concerted to avoid the jurisdic- 
tion of New York, by having the New Hampshire 
grants erected into a separate royal government. To 
effect this object, Phili}) Skeen, a colonel in one of 
the king's regiments, and the owner of large posses- 
sions on lake Champlain, went over to Great Britain, 
and seems to have met with some success ; but noth- 
ing decisive had been done when the revolution 
commenced, which ]nit an end to the negociation. 

12. The opposition to the claims of New York 
had hitherto been confined, princii)nliy, to the inhabi- 
tants on the west side of the moinitaiiis. The settlem 
on the grants in the vicinity of Connecticut river, had, 
niany of them, surrendered their original chai'ters, 
and had taken new ones under the authority of New 
York. In several of the towns tliey submitted quietly 
to the jurisdiction of ihat colony, and stood, in a 
measure, unconcerned s})cetators of the controversy 
in which the settlers on the more westerly grants, 
were so deei)ly involved. And Avhere tliis was not 
the case, they had not yet been driven to desj)eration 
by the executive officers of New York. They were 
not, however, indifferent to the policy of Great Brit- 
ain towards her American ColoiiiLS. The settlers 
on the New Hampshire giants were, generally, eme- 
grants from the other New England provinces, and 
they readily sympathized v\ith their kindred and 
frienfis, and were by no means back ward in imbibing 
the growing spirit of o|)position to the ojipressive and 
arbitrary measures pursued by the luotlicr country 
towards her colonies. 

13. The atlairs of the colonics bad as-nnied so 
ahirming an asjiect, liiat delegates iroiii most ol' iho 



CONTROVERSY WITH NEW YORK. 73 

provinces met at Pljiladelphia on the 5th of Sej'tem- 
ber, 1774, to consult upon measures for the common 
safety. The meeting of this congress was followed 
by an almost universal suspension of the royal au- 
thority in all the colonies, excepting New York, which 
refused its assent to the measures recommended by 
that body, and the courts of justice were either shut 
up or adjourned without doing any business. The 
first interruption of this kind in the colony of New 
York, happened in the county of Cumberland, on 
the New Hampshire grants. 

14. The stated session of the court for that county 
was to have been holden at Westminster, on the 13th 
of March, 1775. Much dissatisfaction prevailed in 
the coimty because New York had refused to adoj)t 
the resolves of the continental Congress, and exertions 
were made to dissuade the judges from holding the 
court. But, as they ])ersisted in doing it, some of 
the inhabitants of Westminster and the adjacent 
towns, took possession of the court house at an early 
hour in order to prevent the officers of the court from 
entering. The court party soon appeared before the 
court house, armed with gmis, swords and pistols and 
commanded the people to disperse. But, as they 
refused to obey, some harsh languag^e passed between 
them and the court party retired to their quarters. 

15. The people then had an interview with judge 
Chandler, who assured them that they might have qui- 
et possession of the house till morning, when the court 
should come in without arms, and should hear what 
they had to lay before them. But, contrary to this 
declaration, about eleven o'clock at night, the sheriff, 
with the other officers of the court, attended by an 
armed force, repaired to the court house. Being 
refused admittance, some of the party fired into the 
house and killed one man and wounded several oth- 
ers. The wounded men they seized and dragged to 
prison, with some others who did not succeed in 
making their escape. 

7 



74 HISTORY or VERMONT. 

16. By means of ftiose who escaped, the news of 
this massacre was quickly spread, and before noon 
the next day, a large body of armed men had collected. 
A juiy of inquest brought in a verdict, that the man 
was murdered by the court party. Several of the 
officers were made prisoners and confined in the 
jail at Northampton, in Massachusetts. But, upon 
the application to the Chief Justice of New York, 
they were released from prison and returned home. 

17. These proceedings aroused the spirit of oppo- 
sition to New York throughout the grants on the east 
side of the mountains. A meeting of committees 
from the several townships was^held at Westminster, 
on the 11th of April, 1775, at which a number of 
spirited resolutions were adopted relative to the late 
unhappy transactions. Among other things it was 
voted, "That it is the duty of the inhabitants, as 
predicated on the eternal and immutable law of self 
preservation, wholly to renounce and resist the ad- 
ministration of the government of New York, until 
such times as the lives and property of the inhabitants 
may be secured by it." 

18. Thus were the settlers on the east side of the 
mountains driven to make common cause with their 
brethren on the west, in opposing the government of 
New York. The indignation of the settlers through- 
out the New Hampshire grants was now raised to 
the highest pitch, and probably the commencement 
of the American war at Lexington, on the 19th of 
April, was the only thing which prevented the })arties 
proceeding to open hostilities. This event produced 
a shock which was felt throughout the colonies ; 
local and provincial contests were at once swallowed 
up by the novelty, the grandeur and the importance 
of the contest thus opened betw een Great Britain and 
her American colonies. 



REVIEW OF THE PRECEDING PERIOD. /O 

S E C T I O IV VI. 

Biitf review of the progress of settlemejit previous to 
the Revolution. 

1. It has already been remarked that, although 
several establishments had been made in Vermont 
previous to that time, the commencement of the set- 
tlement may properly be dated from the conquest of 
Canada in 1760. In that j'ear, the whole number of 
settlers on the territory of Vermont did not exceed 
300 persons, and altliough the settlement began from 
that time sensibly to advance, it was by no means 
rapid till after the treaty of peace, in 1763, by which 
Canada was ceeded to Great Britain. In 1764, set- 
tlements had been commenced in most of the town- 
ships on Connecticut river as far north as Newbury, 
and in several townshi})s on the west side of the 
Green Mountains. 

2. In 1765, the government of New York, having 
acquired authority from the British crown to exercise 
jurisdiction over the New Hampshire grants as far 
eastward as Connecticut river, caused a division to 
be made of the territoiy into counties. The south- 
western parts about Bennington, were annexed to 
the county of Albany ; tlie northwestern, towards lake 
Champlain, were erected into a county by the name 
of Charlotte, and on the east side of the moimtain, 
Cumberland county was formed of the southeastern 
parts, and Gloucester county of the northeastern. 

3. This was the first division ofVermont into coun- 
ties, and the only division of the kind previous to the 
revolution ; and if the limits of these counties were 
then accuratel}^ defined, it is now difficult to deter- 
mine where they were. It, however, appears probable 
from documents ]Miblished in Ethan Allen's Vindi- 
cation of Vermont, that the division between the 
counties of Albany and Charlotte passed along the 
■^outli lilies of the townships of Ru|)ert, Dorset and 



7^ HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

Peru, and that Cumberland county extended so far 
northward as to include about one third part of the 
present county of Windsor. The division lines be- 
tween the counties were, however, a matter of little 
consequence, towards the close of this period, for 
when the government of New York found the op- 
position to their measures so determined and so 
general among the settlers on the grants, they gave 
the court of Albany county jurisdiction over the whole 
tract of country. This gave rise to the exjwession, 
unlimited county of Albany, so frequently used by the 
Vermont pam})hleters during the controversy with 
New York. 

4. Previous to the year 1770, scarcely any settle- 
n)ents had been made on the west side of the Green 
JMomitains to the northward of the present county of 
Bennington. During the next year, 1771, settlements 
w^ere commenced in several townships in Rutland 
county, and this year was taken the first census of the 
inhabitants on the grants on the east side of the 
mountains. By this enumeration it appears that 
Cumberland county contained, in 1771, 3947 inhabi- 
tants, and Gloucester county 722, and it was estimated 
that these two counties contained at that time two 
thirds of the people in the whole district. The whole 
number of inhabitants must therefore have been 
about 7000. 

5. No complete census was taken till the year 1791, 
and hence it is impossible to determine the precise 
pop^^lation of Vermont at the time of the com- 
iTiencenient of the American Revolution. But as the 
settlements were rapidly extending during the five 
years succeeding the year 1771, we may safely con- 
clude, that the whole population of Vermont at the 
commencement of the war was at least 20,000. About 
the close of the war we find the population incident- 
ii/jy estimated by Doct. Williams at 30,000 souls. 



HISTORY OF VERMONT. 



CHAPTER III. 

REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 



SECTION I. 



Events of 1775 — Reduction of Ticonderoga — Invasion 
of Canada — Carlton defeated by Col Warner — St 
Johns and Montreal taken by Gen. Montgomery — As- 
sault upon Qiiebec. 

1. As all minor contests and sectional difficulties 
were, for a while, swallowed up by the great and mo- 
mentous concerns of the revolution, we shall now pro- 
ceed to a brief statement of those incidents in the war 
for independence, with which the people of Vermont 
were more immediately concerned. The affairs at 
Lexington produced a sliock, which was felt from 
one extremity of the colonies to the other ; and it was 
now perceived that their only reliance for safety was 
to be placed in a vigorous and effectual resistance 
to the arms and arbitrary power of Great Britain. 

2. The military posts on lake Champlain were at 
this time garrisoned by British soldiers, and the Brit- 
ish government had been pursuing measures, by 
which they might, if necessary, avail themselves of 

the strength and resources of Canada, for the purpose 

7* 



rs 



HISTORY OF VERMOJVT. 



of subjugating their Other colonies, in case of revolt. 
The importance, therefore, of securing these posts 
to the Americans, was at once perceived, and the 
design of effecting this object, engaged at the same 
time the attention of several adventurers, both in 
Massachusetts and Connecticut, who were utterly 
ignorant of each other's views. But the first active 
measures for accomplishing an undertaking so desir- 
able as the reduction of these posts, appear to have 
been taken by several enterprising gentlemen of 
Connecticut. 

3. As the success of the enterprise depended upon 
its being managed with secrecy and dispatch, they 
obtained of the Connecticut legislature a loan of 
$1800, and, having procured a quantity of })owder 
and balls, they hastened forward to Bennington with 
the view of engaging Ethan Allen in the business. 
Allen readily undertook to conduct the enterprise and 
set off to the northward with his usual spirit of 
promptness and activity for the purpose of enlisting 
and collecting men for the expedition. The gentle- 
men from Connecticut, having purchased a quantity of 
provisions, proceeded to Castleton, where they were 
joined by Allen with his recruits. 

4. While they \vere collecting at Castleton, Col 
Arnold arrived there attended only by a servant. This 
officer had been chosen captain of an independent 
company at New Haven in Connecticut, and, as soon 
as he heard of the battle at Lexington, he marched 
his company to Cambridge, where the Americans 
were assembling to invest Boston. There he received 
a Colonel's commission from the Massachusetts com- 
mittee of safety with orders to raise 400 men for the 
reduction of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, which he 
represented to be in a ruinous condition and feebly 
gaiTisoned. His commission being examined, Arnold 
was permitted to join the party ; but it was ordered 
by a council that Allen shoidd also have the commis- 
sion of Colonel, and should be first in command. 



REVIEW OF THE PUECEDING PERIOD. 79 

5. To procure intelligence, Capt. Noah Phelps, one 
of the gentlemen from Connecticut, went into the 
fort at Ticonderoga in the habit of one of the settlers, 
where he enquired for a barber, under the pretence 
of wanting to be shaved. By affecting an awkward 
appearance, and asking many simple questions, he 
passed unsuspected and had a favorable opportunity 
of observing the condition of the works. Having 
obtained the necessary information, he returned to 
the party, and the same night they began their march 
for the fort. And these affairs had been cfonducted 
with so much expedition, that Allen reached Orwell, 
opposite to Ticonderoga, with his men in the evening 
of the 9th of May, while the garrison were without 
any knowledge of the i)roceedings and without.any 
apprehension of a hostile visit. 

6. The whole force collected on this occasion 
amounted to 270 men, of whom 230 were Green 
Mountain Boys. It was with difficulty that boats 
could be obtained to carry over the troops. A Mr 
Douglas was sent to Brid])ort to procure aid in men, 
and a scow belonging to Mr Smith. Douglas stopped 
by the way to enlist a Mr Chapman in the enterprise, 
when James Wilcox and Joseph Tyler, two young 
men, who were abed in the chamber, hearing the story, 
conceived the design of decoying on shore a large 
oar boat belonging to Maj. Skeen, and which then lay 
off against Willow point. They dressed, seized their 
guns and a jug of rum, of which they knew the black 
commander to be extremely fond, — gathered four 
men as they went, and, arriving all armed, they hailed 
the boat and offered to help row it to Shoreham, if 
they would carry them there immediately to join a 
hunting paity, that would be wailing for them. The 
stratagem succeeded, and poor Jack and his two men 
suspected nothing till they arrived at Allen's head 
quarters, where they were made prisoners of war. 

7. Douglas arrived with the scow about the same 
time, and, ^ome other boats havin.g been collected, 



80 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

Allen embarked with 83 men and landed near the 
fort. As the morning was advancing, it was deemed 
inexpedient to wait for the remainder of the men to 
pass over. Arnold now wished to assume the com 
mand, and swore that he would lead the men into 
the fort. Allen swore he should not, but that he him- 
self would be the first man that should enter. As the 
dispute grew warm, some of the gentlemen interpos- 
ed, and it was agreed that they should both enter at 
the same time, but that Allen should enter on the 
right and have the command. 

8. Accordingly, a little after day break in the 
morning of the 10th of May, 1775, they advanced 
towards the works followed by their men. The sentry 
at the outer post snapped his fusee at Allen, and, 
retreating through the covered way, was followed by 
the Americans, who were immediately drawn up on 
the parade within the fort. With so great expedi- 
tion and silence was this business accomplished that 
the garrison, excepting the sentries, were not awaken- 
ed from their slumbers, till arosued by the huzzas of 
the Green Mountain Boys, already in possession of 
the fort. The Capt. De Laplace, without waiting to 
dress himself, hastened to the door of the barrack, 
when Allen sternly commanded him to surrender, 
or he would put the v^^hole garrison to the sword. De 
Laplace enquired by what authority he demanded it. 
I demand it, says xA.llen, "tn the name of the Great Je- 
hovah and the Continental Congress.'''' 

9. Surrounded b}'^ the Americans, the British cap- 
tain perceived that resistance was vain, and surrend- 
ered the garrison prisoners of war, without knowing 
by what authority Allen was acting, or that hostilities 
had commenced between Great Britain and her co- 
lonies. As soon as Allen had landed with his party, 
the boats were sent back for the remainder of the 
men, who had been left under the command of Col 
Seth Warner. AVarner arrived soon after the place 
surrendered, and taking the command of a party, set 



REVIEW OF THE PRECEDING PERIOD. 83 

off for the reduction of Crown Point, which was gar- 
risoned only by a sergeant and twelve men. They 
surrendered upon the first summons, and Warner 
took possession of the fort. Skeensborough was also 
taken, the same day, by another party, and Major 
Skeen made prisoner. 

10. By these enterprises, the Americans captured 
a British Major, a Captain, a Lieutenant and forty 
four privates. In the forts, they found more than 200 
pieces of cannon, some mortars and howitzers, and 
large quantities of military stores; and also a ware- 
house filled with materials, for carrying on the business 
of building boats. All these cost not the Americans 
a single man. 

11. Elated with their success, they now determined 
to secure the command of lake Champlain, by getting 
j)OSsession of an armed sloop, which then lay at St 
Johns. For this purpose they armed and manned 
a schooner, and procured a number of batteaux. Ar- 
nold took command of the schooner, and Allen of 
the batteaux, and they both set out together upon the 
expedition. But a fresh wind springing up from the 
south, the schooner out sailed the batteaux and Ar- 
nold soon reached St Johns, where he surprised and 
captured the sloop. The wind immediately shifting 
to the north, Arnold set sail with his prize, and met 
Allen with his batteaux at some distance from St 
Johns. Thus, in tlie course of a few days, and by a 
few daring individuals, was lake Champlain and its 
important fortresses secured to the Americans. 

12. The American Congress, having received in- 
telligence that the governor of Canada had been 
making exertions to engage the Canadians and In- 
dians to fall upon the frontier of the colonies, deter- 
mined to send a body of American troops into that 
province, in the hopes that the Canadians would join 
the other colonies, in opposition to Great Britain. 
For this purpose, it was proposed to raise 2000 men, 
who were to be placed under the command of Gen- 



82 HISTORY or VERMONT. 

eral Schuyler and Montgomery. Much pains were 
taken to raise the troops, and a large number of 
batteaux and flat bottomed boats were built at Ticon- 
deroga and Crown Point to convey the forces to 
Canada. 

13. Montgomery set out from Crown Point, on the 
21st of August, but soon received intelligence that 
the British Gen. Carleton was prepared to obstruct 
his designs — that he had provided a considerable na- 
val force and was about entering the lake with a body 
of British troops. To prevent this, Montgomery pio- 
ceeded down the lake, with the forces which had 
arrived, to the Isle La Motte, where he was soon join- 
ed by Gen, Schuyler ; and they both moved forward to 
the Jsle Aux Noix, where they took proper measures 
to prevent the passage of the British vessels into the 
lake. 

14. From this place, the American generals sent 
proclamations into the adjacent country, assuring the 
Canadians that they had no designs against them, and 
inviting them to unite with the Americans in asserting 
their rights and securing their liberties. On the 6th 
of September, they proceeded without opposition 
towards St Johns with their whole force, which did 
not exceed 1000 men. A landing was effected about 
a mile and a half from the fort, but, while advancing 
to reconnoiter the works, their left was attacked by 
a party of Indians, who killed three and wounded 
eight of the Americans, The Indians were, however, 
soon repulsed, with the loss of five killed and four 
severely wounded. Finding the fortress well garri- 
soned and prepared to make a vigorous defence, the 
Americans thought it jH'udent to return to the Isle 
Aux Noix, and there wait the arrival of their artillery 
and re-inforcements, which were daily expected. 

15. Schuyler returned to Albany to conclude a 
treaty, which had been some time negotiating, with 
the Indians, leaving the command to Montgomery. On 
the 17th of September, Montgomery, having receiv- 



REVIEW OF THE PRECEDING rERIOD. 83 

ed the expected reinforcements, proceeded to St 
Johns and laid siege to that fortress. The place was 
garrisoned by the greatest part of two British regi- 
ments, and contained nearly all the regular troops in 
Canada, and it was at the same time well supplied 
with artillery, ammunition and military stores. The 
first measure of Montgomery, was an attempt to de- 
tach the Indians, who had joined Gen. Carlton, from 
the British cause. Having succeeded in this, parties 
of the provincials were dispersed over the country 
and were favorably received by the Canadians. 

16. x\s Col Ethan Allen, with 80 men, was return- 
ing from one of these excursions, he was met by Maj. 
Brown who was out upon the same business with 
200 men. Brown informed Allen that Montreal was 
entirely without def 'ure and might easily be surpris- 
ed ; and iu was finally agreed between them that they 
should proceed to make an immediate attem[)t upon it. 
Allen was to cross the river and land a little north of the 
city, while Brown was to land a httle to the south, and 
both were to commence the attack at the same time. 
Allen crossed over with his little band of 80 men, in the 
right, as had been agreed, but he waited in vain for 
the appearance of Brown to co-operate with him. 
And when day light ajjpeared and rendered the sur- 
prise of the place in i practicable, instead of saving 
himself by a retreat, Allen rashly determined to main- 
tain his ground. 

17. Gen. Carlton soon received intelligence of Al- 
len's situation, and early in the morning marched out 
against him, with about 40 regulars, together with 
several hundred English settlers, Canarlians and In- 
dians. Allen's force was made up of Green Mountain 
Boys and Canadians and at the head of these he 
Ibught with desperate courage until most of the Ca- 
nadians had deserted him, and^y?/ifeenof hismen were 
killed and several wounded. But courage wtiS una- 
vailing against such a supf^riority of numbers. Allen 
was taken prisoner, on the 25ih ofS ^.ptciiiber, wilh 



84 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

38 of his men, and by order of Gen. Carlton they 
were all immediately loaded with irons. In that con- 
dition, they were put on hoard a man of war and 
carried to England. During the voyage they were 
treated with such rigour as to render their suffering 
ahiiost intolerable. 

18. Montgomery was in the mean time pushing the 
siege of St Johns, as fast as his embarrassed circum- 
stances would permit. He derived much assistance 
from the Canadians, who had joined him, and being 
informed by them thai the little fortress of Cham blee, 
situated further down the Sorel, contained a large 
quantity of ammunition and military stores, of which 
the besiegers were much in need, he ordered Major 
Brown and Livingston to proceed against it. The 
garrison, consisting of about one hundred men, 
after a short resistance surrenderred themselves on 
the 18th of October, prisoners of war. By this capitu- 
lation the Americans obtained 120 barrels of powder, 
a large finantity of military stores and |)rovisions, and 
the standard of tlie 7th Regiment. This standard 
was immediately transmitted to Congress, and was 
the first trophy of the kind, which that body had ever 
received. 

19. The besiegers having obtained a supply of am- 
munition and stores bj' the capture of Chamblee, 
made their advi.uces upon the fort at St Johns with 
increased vigor. The garison consisted of between 
six and seven hundred men, who, in the hopes of 
being soon relieved by Geu. Carlton, made a reso- 
lute defence. Carlton exerted himself for this pin- 
j)osp, but such was the disaffection of the Canadians 
to the British cause, that he coidd not muster more 
than one thousand men, including the regulars, the 
militia of Montreal, the Canadians and the Indians. 
With these, he ]>urposed to cross the St Lawrence and 
join Col. Maclean, who had collected a few hundred 
Scotch emigrants and taken post at the mouth of the 
Sorel, hoping with their united forces to be able to 



COL WARNER DEFEATS GRN. CARLTON. 85 

raise tiie t-iege of St Johns and relieve the garrison. 

20. Ill pursuance of tins design, Carlton embarked 
his troo[)S at Montreal with the view of crossing the St 
Lawrence and landing at Longniel. Their embarka- 
tion was observed by Col S<'th Warner, from the 
o|)|)Osite slioic, wbo, with about '300 Green Mountain 
}5oys, watched their motions, and ])repared for their 
ap|)rouc]). Just before they reached the south shore, 
AVarner opened upon tliem a well directed and in- 
cessant fire of musketry and grape shot from a four 
pounder, by which unexj)ected assault, the enemy 
were thrown into the greatest confusion, and soon 
retreated with ])recipitation and disorder. When the 
news of Carltori's defeat reached Maclean he aban- 
doned his position at the mouth of the Sorel and 
hastened to Quebec. 

21. By these events the garrison at St Johns was 
left without the hope of relief and Major Preston, the 
commander, was, consequently, obliged to surrender. 
The garrison laid down their arms on the 3rd of No- 
vember, maiched out of the works and became pris- 
oners of war, to the nnmb(!r of 500 reirnlars and more 
tlian 100 Canadian volunteers. Gen. Montgomery 
treated them with the greatest [toliteness, and had 
them conveyed by the way of Ticonderoga into the 
interior of New England. In the fort Avas found a 
lariie quantity of cannon and military stores. 

22. Col W'ainer, having repulsed Gen. Carlton and 
caused Col 1^1 aclean to retire to Quebec, proceeded 
to erect a l)attery at the mouth of the Sorel, which 
sliould command the passage; of the St Lawrence, 
and thus block up Gen. Carlton at Montreal. In this 
situation of things, Gen. Montgomery arrived from St 
Johns and took possession of Montreal, withovit op- 
position, on the 13th of November, Gen. Carlton hav- 
ing abandoned it to its fate and escaped down the 
river in the night in a small canoe with njullied oars. 
A large number of armed vessels loaded whh ])iovi- 
sions and other necessaries, and Gen. Prescot with 

8 



86 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

120 British officers and privates, also attempted to 
escape down the river, but were stopped at the mouth 
of the Sorel, and all captured by the Americans 
witbout tlie loss of a man. 

23. The attention of Montgomery was immediate- 
ly turned towards Quebec, where Carleton was now 
making every preparation for defence. Col Arnold, 
afler surmounting incredible difficulties and hard- 
ships, had passed through the wilderness from Maine 
to Canada and appeared before Quebec with 700 
men on the 9th of Novenjber, and now Montgomejy, 
having removed everv ol)stacle, hastened forward to 
join him, which he did on the 1st day of December. 
Their united force amounted to only about 1000 men, 
while tliat of the garrison numbered 1500 ; but as 
the latter was made up ]jrinci])ally of Canailians and 
militia, Montgomery still had hopes of success. 
Finding that the artillery and shells produced but 
little effect upon the town, and tbat the weather was 
becoming too severe to carry on a regular siege, it 
was finally determined to make a genej'al assaidt upon 
the town. 

24. Accordingly on the morning of the 31st of 
December, the troops were led on to the attack. But 
it proved unsuccessful. The gallant Montgomery 
was slain, and nearly one half tbe American troops 
were killed, or taken prisoners, Arnold, though se- 
verely wounded, took the conmiand of the shattered 
forces and continued the blockade determined to 
await the re-enforcements which he believed would 
soon be sent on to his relief. Thus terminated in 
this quarter, the campaign of 1775, and thus commen- 
ced those reverses, which were to attend the Amer- 
ican arms in Canada during the succeeding yeai*. 



RETREAT OF THE AMERICAN ARIVIT. 87 



SECTION II. 

Events of 1776. Small Pox fatal in the army — Amer- 
ican army retreats — Unsuccessful expedition against 
Three Rivers — Affairs at the Cedars — Chamhlee and 
St Johns abandoned In/ the Americans — JVaval en- 
gagement of lake Champlain — Crown Point ahan- 
doned. 

1. The re-enforcements!, which were sent to the 
reliefer Arnold, arrived but slowly, and when Gen. 
Thomas reached the camp before Quebec, on the 
first day oi May, 1776, t!ie whole American force at 
that place did not exceed 1900 men. In this state of 
things, and before any thing of consequence had 
been attempted against the city, the small pox com- 
menced its ravages among the provincial troops, and 
it is hardly possible to conceive the distress, the ter- 
ror and confusion it occasioned in the American 
camp. Ignorant of the true nature of the disease, and 
of the means by which its })rogress might be impe- 
ded ; anfl antici})ating dangers, which their fears had 
greatly magnified, the trooj)s could, with difliculty, be 
prevented from a total dispersion. The soldiers, hav- 
ing heard tliat inoculation was the surest prevent- 
tive of a fatal termination, proceeded, in defiance of 
orders, to inoculate themselves ; and the recruits as 
they arrived, did the same, and thus was the disease 
still wider diffused, so that out of 3000 troops, which 
liad now arrived, not more than 900 were fit for duty. 

2. After a few trifling efforts against the town. Gen. 
Thomas was convinced that nothing of consequence, 
could be effected with an army in the condition to 
wiiich his was re;luced, and being nearly destitute of 
provision?!, and daily expecting that the British gar- 
ison would be re-enforced by the arrival of an army 
from England, it was concluded, in a council of war, 
to abandon the siege and make the best retreat their 



88 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

circumstances would permit. The next day a British 

man of war and two iiifratcs arrived at Quehcc, with 
succors tor the town, iiaving, with incredible exer- 
tions and dexterity, cut their way througli the ice 
while the navigation was extremely dilhcuh and dan- 
gerous. 

3. One thousand marines being landed fron.i the 
ships, Gen. Carlton put hiniselt^ at llie head of these, 
and 800 of his own troops and about noon marched 
out to give hattie to the Americans. But he was too 
late. Gen. Thomas, foreseeing this event, had com- 
menced his retreat ; but it was done with so great 
precipitation that the Americans had left behind, ilieir 
artiller}', stores and baggage, and a nund:)cr of their 
sick. Carlron was content witli getting possession 
of these, and with being relieved of his l)csiegers, and 
did not pursue the Americans. The prisoners who fell 
into his hands were treated with the most humane 
and kind attention. 

4. The Americans continu ^d their retreat to the 
river Sorel, having marched the first 45 miles with- 
out halting. Here they found seveial regiments 
waiting for them under Gen. Thompson, who a few 
daj's after succeeded to the command, by the unfor- 
tunate death of Gen. Thomas, who died of the small 
pox. Gen. Sullivan and several battalions amved 
about this time, and Sullivan having taken the com- 
mand, now planned an enterpnse against the enemy, 
which savored much more of boldness than pru- 
dence. The British army, which was now augmen- 
ted hy re-enforcements from Europe to more than 
13000, had their chief rendezvous at Three Rivers, a 
post on the north side of the St Lawrence, alwut 
halfway between Quebec and Montreal. Gen. Sul- 
livan conceived the design of surprising this post, 
and for that purpose detached Gen. Thompson on 
the 7th of June, with 1800 men, who preceded down 
the river in the night, expecting to reach Three Rivei-s 
before day hght. But ujiavoidable delays rendered 



AFFAIRS AT THE CEDARS. 89 

it impossible. They were discovered by the British, 
b«'foie they reached the village, who inarched out, 
attacked and dispersed tliem, making their general, 
and ahout 200 men, prisoners. 

5. 3Iontreal had, early in tlie spring, been placed 
under the command ot" Arnold, who was now raised 
to the rank of Brigadier general, and a ])arty of 31^0 
Amerirans under Col Beadle had been posted at 
the Cedars, a small fort 43 miles above that city. 
Being frightened at the a|)pearance of a force de- 
scending the river to attack him, Beadle al)andoned 
the command to Maj. Buttertield, and hastened to 
Montreal for a re-enforcement ; and Butterfield, with 
an equal want of spii-jt, surrentlcred the fort and gar- 
rison on the loth of r>Iay. 

6. As soon as Beadle arrived at Montreal, Arnold 
detached JMaj. Slierburne with 140 men, to relieve 
the fort at the Cedars. On their way they were at- 
tacked, surrounded, and after a gallant defence of 
nearly two hoiu'S, made prisoners, hy a body of 
500 Indians. Many of the Americans were killed 
or wounded in the engagement. Twenty others 
were afterwards put to death in cool blood, with 
all the aggravations of sava<>e bari)arity. The re- 
mainder were stripped, driven to the fort and delivered 
up to Capt. Foster, to whom Buttei-tield had surren- 
dered. 

7. When the intelligence of these events reached 
Arnold, he put himself at the head of eight or nine 
hundred men and flew to the rescue of the unfortu- 
nate caj)tives. Upon his ap])roach to the fort he 
received a communication from Capt. Foster, inform- 
ing him that if he would not consent to a cartel, 
which he had already forced Maj. Sherburne and 
other officers to sign, the prisoners should all be im- 
mediateli/piif to death. Aruold lies;itated, l;ut humanity 
and a rei^ard tor the captured officers, at length com- 
pelled him to acceed to the proposal, and thus was 
his vengence disarmed. 

8* 



90 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

8. The American army in Canada was so much 
inferior to ihe British, that nothing reniaintd for them 
but to make the best retreat in their power. On the 
14th of June, the}^ abandoned their }>ost at Sorel, whidi 
a few hours afterwards was in possession of the Brit- 
ish army. Gen. Burgoyne was immediately detached 
with one column in pursuit of the Americans, but 
with orders not to hazard an engagement until he 
should receive a re-enforcement. On the 15th of 
June, Arnold withdrew with his troops from Montreal 
and marched to Chamblee, where the American for- 
ces were assembled, and were engaged Avith much 
spirit and resolution in dragging their artillery and 
stores up the rapids. 

9. This ser\'ice was attended with much difficidty 
and danger ; but they succeeded in drawing up more 
than one hundred batteaux, heavily laden, and having 
set fire to the mills and the shipping which they 
could not bring oft] they left the village of Chamblee 
at the very time the British were entering it on the 
other side. On the 18th of June, Gen. Bm-goyne 
reached St Johns in the evening, but the Americans 
had taken away every thing of value and set fire to 
the fort and barracks. Maj. Bigelow, with about 40 
men remained at St Johns till the works were all 
destroyed, and left that place the same evening that 
Burgoyne airived there, and joined the American 
army which had halted at the Isle Aux Noix. 

10. The British were urjable to get any of their 
vessels over the rapids at Chamblee, and were, con- 
sequentl}, unable to continue the pursuit of the 
American army, which now proceeded in safety to 
Crown Point. This retreat was conducted by Sid- 
livan, with such consummate skill and prudence, as to 
retrieve his character from the imputations brought 
upon it by the rash and unsuccessful expedition 
against Three Rivers, and to merit the thanks of 
Congress, and of the whole army. 

11. On the 12th of July, Gen. Sullivan was sue- 



€ROV/N POINT ABANDONED. 91 

ceeded by Gen. Gates, in the command of the northern 
arnjy. Tiie fir^t hiisint'ss of Gates was to restore to 
health and soundnes^s tlie sick and wounded, and 
to increase his force by new recruits. He assembled 
a council of war, bj'^ which it was resolved to aban- 
don Crown Point, and concentrate all tlieir strength 
and njake a vigorous stand at Ticonderoga, and on 
Mount Independence, which is situated on the oppo- 
site side of the lake. A general hospital was established 
at fort George, to which those who were sick with 
the small pox, were sent forward, and to avoid this 
contagioiis and loathsome disease, the new recruits 
were assembled at Skeensi)orough. On the sixth of 
August, six hundred men arrivefl from New Hamp- 
shire juid re-enforcements were daily arriving from 
other quarters. The army was also all the time im- 
proving in health and discipline, and was active and 
vigorous in i)reparations for defence. 

12. As it was of the greatest importance to the 
Americans to preserve the command of the lake, by 
constructing u])on it a naval force suj)erior to that of 
the British, they engaged with their usual activity 
in accomplishing this object. But in the prosecution 
of it they had innumerable difficulties to encounter. 
Their timber was to be cut in the woods and dragged 
by hand to the place where it was wanted for use ; 
the materials for naval equi])ments were to be brought 
from a great distance over roads almost inj})assable ; 
and the ship-carpenters were so well employed in 
the sea ports that it was with extreme difficulty that 
any could be i)rocured. Yet, notwithstanding these 
obstacles, by perseverance and iudustry, they had, 
on thelStli of August, completed an I equi})ped three 
schooners and five gondolas, carrying in the whole 
55 cannon, consisting of twelve, nine, six and four 
pounders, and seventy swivels. This armament was 
manned by three hundred and ninety five men, and 
was completely fitted for action. 

13. In tlie mean time the British were employed 



92 HISTORY OF VERMONI. 

in preparing a fleet at St Johns. Six armed vessels 
had been built in England and sent over for the ex- 
press purpose of being employed on lake Chaniplain ; 
but it was found imj.iossible to get them over the 
falls at Chamblee without taking them in pieces, 
transposing them in that form, and then put them 
together again above the raj)ids. They succeeded 
in dragging Uj) a large number of boats entire, and 
having re-built their vessels, they were ready by the 
first of October, to enter the lake with their fleet. 
This fleet consisted of the Inflexible, carrying eigh- 
teen twelve pounders, the Maria, of fourteen six 
pounders, the Carlton of twelve six pounders, the 
Thunderer, a flat bottomed radeau, or raft, with six 
twenty pounders, six twelves and two howitzers, 
some gondolas, carrying seven nine poiniders, twenty 
gun boats, carrying, each one brass field piece from 
nine to twenty four pounders, and some with howit- 
zers, and four long boats, with each a carriage gun, 
serving as tenders. These, amounting to thirty one 
in number, were all designed and pre})ared for attack 
and battle; and were to be followed by a suflicient 
number of vessels and boats for tlie transj)ortation of 
the royal army, with its stores, artillery, baggage and 
provisions. 

14. This fleet was navigated by seven hundred 
experienced seamen, cammanded by Captain Pringle, 
and the guns were served by a detachment of men 
and officers from the corps of artillery, and far exceed- 
ed any thing the Americans were al)!e to ])rovide. 
On the 11th of October, the British fleet and army 
proceeded up the lake. The American armament, 
which amounted to 15 vessels of difl^erent sizes, was 
put under the command of Gen. Ainold, who had 
taken a very advantageous position between Valcour 
island and the western main. There they formed a 
strong line of defence, and hoped to be able to check 
the progress of the enemy. 

15. The British were sensible of their superior 



NAVAL ENGAGEME^TT OX L. CHAMPLAIN. 93 

strcngtli, and moved forward boldly to attack the 
Americans. A pcvere eiii^ao-enieiit ensued, which 
was maintained lor several hours with much s})irit 
and resolution. The wind being unfavorable, the 
British were unable to bring tlie Inflexible and some 
of their other vessels into action, which was princi- 
paliy sustained by the Carleton and the gun boats; 
and as the wind continued adverse, the British, not- 
withstanding the result had thus far been in their 
favor, judged it ]»rudent to withdraw from the en- 
gagement ; but as night aj)])roached, they again advan- 
ced and anchored in a line as near the Americans as 
])ossible, to prevent their escape. 

10. This engagement was sustained on both sides 
with a courage and firsnness, which are seldom wit- 
nessed. Among the Americans, Gen. Waterbin-y, of 
the Wasiiington galley, was in the .severest part of 
the action. t>.\ce|)ting one lieutenant and a captain 
of marines, his officers were all either killed or 
wounded. He himself fought on the quarter deck 
during the whole action, and at the close brought off 
his vessel though shattered and almost torn in 
l)ieces. The result of this action was favorable to 
the British, but less so than they had anticipated, 
knowing their own force to be double that of the 
Americans. They had one of their gondolas sunk 
and one blown up with 60 men. The Americans 
had one of their schooners burnt, a gondola sunk, and 
several of their vessels much injured. 

17. Arnold was now convinced that he could not 
withstand the superior force of the enemy, and un- 
der the cover of the night, which was dark and foggy 
resolved to attempt a reti-eat to Ticonderoga. In this 
measure he so far succeded as to pass directly tlu'ough 
the enemy's line unohserved, and to be entirely out 
of sight of the British the next morning. As soon as 
it was discovered that'the Americans had fled, the 
British, anxious to obtain a decisive victory, conimen- 
ce<i a piu'suit, and during the day an American 



94 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

gondola was overtaken and captured. On the 13th 
of October, the wind being favorable to the British, 
they renewed the chase, and about noon overtook the 
American fleet a few leagues from Crown Point. 
A warm engagement (msued, which was snf)ported 
with great resolution and gallantry on both sides for 
nearly four hours. The Washington galley, comman- 
ded by Gen. Watterbury, had been so shatterred in 
the action of the llth, asto be useless in this engage- 
ment, and was surrendered after receiving a few 
broadsiiles. 

18. Arnold was on board the Congress galley, which 
vessel was attacked by the Inflexible and two schoon- 
ers, all within musket shot. After sustaining this 
unequal combat for nearly four hours, Arnold became 
satisfied that no exertion ot courage or skill, coidd 
enable hitn much longer to withstand the superior 
force of the enemy. He was, however, determined 
that neither his vessels nor his men shoidd become 
the trophies of their victory. Having by his obsti- 
nate resistance given several of his vessels an oppor^ 
tunity to escape to Ticonderoga, lie now run the 
Congress galley and five other vessels on shore, in 
such manner as to land his men in safety and blow 
up tho vessels in defiance of every eflTort which the 
British coidd make to prevent it. This action took 
place at no great distance from the mouth of Otter 
Creek, and the remains of Arnold's vessels were to 
be seen there upon the beach for many years. 

19. The British under Gen. Carlton having now 
recovered the command of lake Champlain, it was 
supposed they would next attempt the reduction of 
Ticonderoga ; and, had Carlton moved forward 
immediately, it was supposed that he might have 
possessed himself of that iuiportant fortress without 
much diflicult)'^, as it was illy prepared for defence. 
But the wind blowing from the south, Carlton landed 
his army at Crown Point, the Americans having, a 
few days before destroyed the fort and every thing 



CARLTON RETURNS TO CANADA. 95 

tliey coulil not carry away, and joined the main army 
at Ticonderoga. The Americans applied themselves 
with vigor in strengthening their eiitrniichinents at 
Ticonderoga, and by tiie daily arrival of re-enforce- 
ments, anci the recovery of the sick and wounded, 
Gates soon found himself at the liead of 12000 effec- 
tive men. In this situation he was not unwilling that 
Carlton should make an attem{)t to get possesion of 
the place. But that judicious comuiander did not 
see tit to hazard an assault ; and, after spending about 
a month in reconnoitering the American works, he 
re-eml'arked his army at Crown Point and returni^d 
to Canada, and thus terminated the njilitar}'^ enterpri- 
ses on lake Chaniplain, for the year 1776. 



SECTION III. 

Events of 1777. Advances of Gen. Burgoyne — Ti- 
conderoga abandoned by the Americans — Battle at 
Hubbardton — Retreat from fort Edward — Battle at 
Bennington — At Stillwater — Surrender of Burgoyne. 

1. Before the opening of tlie campaign of 1777, Sir 
Guy Carleton was superceded in the command of the 
British forces, designed to enter United States from 
Canai'la, by Lieut. Gen. Burgoyne, wlio was a great 
favorite of the ministry antl an office of sonie rejtu- 
tation. He was, however, unacquainted with the 
American character and service, and was by no 
means so well fitted to {)lan and execute the opera- 
tions in this quarter as the general whom he sup- 
planted. The regular force allotted to Burgoyne 
amounted to 7113 men, exclusive of the corps of 
artillery. Of these, 3217 were Germans and the 
remainder British troops. This force was expected 



96 



HISTORY OF VERMONT. 



to be increased on its arrival in America by a large 
number of Canadians and Indians, for whom arms 
and accoutrements wei-e forwarded from England. 
Burgoyne was also piovided with an excellent train 




of br-iss artillery, and was assisted hi the command 
by G:Mierals, Philips, Fraser, Powel, Hamilton, Reid- 
sel and Specht. all of them able and experienced 
officers. 



BDRGOYNE ADVANCES ON L. CHAMPLAIN '97 

2. General Burffoyne arrived at Quebec on the 
6th of May, and took the connnand of the army de- 
signed for the expedition. On the 12th, \ e ])roceeded 
to Montreal, using every possible exertion to collect 
and forward the troops and stores to Lake Cham- 
plain. Between the ]7th and 20th of June, his 
whole army was assembled at Cmnberland Head, at 
which place it embarked and preceded up the Lake 
without opposition. June 21st, Burgoyne landed his 
army on the west side of the Lake at he mouth of 
the river Boquet, in the present township of Wills- 
borough, New York. Here he was joined by four 
or five hundred Lidians, who were to assist in the 
expedition. After making for the Indians a war 
feast according to their custom, Burgoyne addressed 
a speech to the chiefs and warriors, calculated to ex- 
cite their savage ardor in the British cause, and to 
give such direction to their fierceness and cruelty as 
should best subserve his designs against the Ameri- 
cans. 

3. General Schuyler, being supposed most fully 
to possess the confidence of the inhabitants of this 
part of the cotmtry had been appointed to the com- 
mand of the northern department of the American 
army, but he arrived at Ticonderoga only four days 
previoiis to Burgoyne's council with the Indians at 
the river Boquet. On inspecting the works, Schuy- 
ler found them in many parts unfinished and the 
whole in a very bad condition. He likewise found 
that very few of the recruits which had been order- 
ed to that post, had arrived, and that the militia of 
the neighborhood could not be safely called in, lest 
the provisions of the garrison should be exhausted 
before the arrival of supplies. Leaving the com- 
mand of this post to Gen. St Clair, Schuyler re- 
tiu'ned to fort Edward, for the purpose hastening 
forward re-enforcements and provisions. 

4. On the 30th of June, the enemy advanced 
towards Ticonderoga upon both sides of the lake, 



98 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

and encamped for the night about four miles from 
the American lines. Tlie next day their whole ar- 
my and fleet proceeded forward and took their 
position just without the reach of the American 
cannon; the fleet anchoring in a line between the di' 
visions on the east and west shore of the lake. On 
the 2d of July a party of 500 of the ' enemy under 
Capt. Fraser, attacked a })icket of 60 men, within 
200 yards of the American batteries, and, forcing 
them to retire, advanced within 60 yaids of the 
works, scattering tliemselves along tlie whole front 
of the American lines; the right wing of the Brit- 
ish army moved up from their ])osition on the lake 
at the same time and took possession of Mount 
Hope. 

5. St Clair, supposing that an assault was intend- 
ed, ordered his men to conceal themselves behind the 
parapets and reserve their fire. Fraser's party, pro- 
bably deceived as to the real position, of the Amer- 
ican works, which were in a measure concealed by 
bushes, continued to advance till an American sol- 
dier discharged his musket, which seemed to be un- 
derstood as a signal, and the whole line arose and 
fired a volley; — the artillery following the example 
without oixlers. This fire was made at random and 
the effect of it was to ])roduce so much smoke that 
the enemy could not be seen till they were beyond 
the reach of the American gims; and consequently 
every individual except one escaped. 

6. On the 4th of July, Gen. Burgoyne issued a 
proclamation, designed to spread teiror among the 
Americans, and persuade them to come and hum- 
ble themselves before him, and through him, sup}jli- 
cate the mercy of their offended king. The number 
and ferocity of tlie Indians, their eagerness to be 
let loose upon the defenceless settlements, and the 
greatness of the British power, and the utter ina- 
bility of the rebellious colonies to resist it, were all 
set forth in bold relief. His gracious protection was 



AMERICAiN WOUKS AT TICONDEROGA. 99 

proiuised to all those, ^vlio should join his standard, 
or remain quietly at their homes ; l)iit utter destruc- 
tion was (ienouiK-ed uj)on all such as should dare 
to ojjpose him. This i)roc!amation was couched in 
terms lije most pompous and bombastic; i)ut Uj)on 
the Americans it produced lio other emotions than 
tiiose of derision and contempt. Its threatenings 
and its promises were alike disregarded — none were 
terrified by the former, and none were won by the 
latter. 

7. Although every possible exertion had been 
made by St Clair and his men, the state of the 
American works and of the garrison were not such 
as to insure a long and vigorous defence. The old 
French fort had been strengthened by some addi- 
tional works, several block houses had been erected, 
and some new batteries had been constructed on the 
side towards lake George. Tlie Americans had al- 
so fortified a high circular hiil on the cast side of 
the lake opposite to Ticonderoga, to which they had 
given the name of Mount Independence. These 
two posts were connected by a floating bridge twelve 
feet wide and one thousand feet long, which was 
stipported by twenty tvvo sunken piers of large 
timber. Tliis briflge was to have been defended 
by a boom strongly fastened together by bolts and 
chains; but this boom was not completed when 
Burgoyne advanced against the works. 

8. Notwithstanding the apparent strength of the 
posts occupied by the Americans, their works were 
all effectually overlooked and connnanded by a 
neighboring eminence called Sugar llill, or Mount 
Defiance. This circumstance was well known to the 
American officers, and they had a consultation for 
the exj)rcss purpose of considering the propriety of 
fortifying this mountain; but it was declined because 
they believed the British would not think it practi- 
cable to plant cannon upon it, and l)ecause their 
works were already so extensive, that they could 



100 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

not be properly niannofl, the whole garrison consist- 
ing of only 2546 co/itiiiental troops, and 900 militia; 
the latter very badly ariiied and e(|njj)ped. 

9. St Clair was sensible that he could not sus- 
tain a regular siege; still he hoped that the confi- 
dence of Burgoyne would induce, him to attempt to 
carry the American works by assault, against which 
he was resolved to defend himself to the last ex- 
tremity. But to the sui{)rise and consternation of 
the Americans, on lh(.' 5th of Jidy, the enemy ap- 
peared upon Mount Defiance, and innnediately com- 
menced the construction of a battery. This battery, 
when completed, would effectually command all the 
American works on both sides of the lake and the 
hne of communi^-ation between them ; and, as there 
was no prosj)ect of being able to dislodge the enenjy 
fiom this post, a council of war was called, by which 
it was unanimously agreed that a retreat should be 
attemj)ted that very night, as the only means of sa- 
ving the army. 

10. Accordingly, about two o'clock in the morn- 
ing of the 6th ot July, (Jen. St Clair, with the gar- 
rison, left Ticonderoga, and about three o'clock the 
troops on Mount Independence were i)ut in motion. 
The baggage, provisions and stores were, as tar as 
practicable, embarked on board 200 batteaux, and 
dispatched, under convoy of five armed gallies, to 
Skeensborough, while the main body of the army 
proceeded by land on the route through Hubbard- 
ton and Castleton. These affairs were conducted 
with secrecy and silence, and unobserved by the 
enemy, till a French officer, imprudently and contra- 
ry to orders, set fire to his house. The flames ini- 
imediately illuminated the whole of Mount Inde- 
pendence and revealed to the enemy at once, the 
movements and designs of the Americans. It at the 
same time impressed the Americans with such an 
idea of discovery and danger, as to throw them into 
the utmost disorder and confusion. 



RETREAT — BATTLE AT HUBBARDTON. 101 

11. About four o clock the rear guard of the 
Americans left Mount Independence, and were 
brought off by Col Francis in good order ; and the 
regiments, which had preceded him, were soon re- 
covered from their confusion. When the troops ar- 
rived at Hubbardton, they were halted for nearly 
two hours. Here the rear guard was put under the 
command of Col Seth Warner, with orders to fol- 
low the army, as soon as those, who had been left 
behind, came up, and to halt about a mile and a half 
in tlie rear of the main body. St Clair then pro- 
ceeded to Castleton, about six miles further, leaving 
Warner with the rear guard and stragglers, at Hub- 
bardton. 

12. The retreat of the Americans from Ticondero- 
ga no was sooner perceived by the British, than an 
eager ])ursuit was begun by Gen. Fraser with the 
light troops, who was soon followed by Gen. Reid- 
sel with the greater part of the Brunswick regiments. 
Fraser continued the pursuit during the day, and 
having learned that the rear of the American ar- 
my was not far off, ordered his men to lie that night 
upon their arms. Early on the morning of the 7th, 
he renewed the ])ursuit, and al)Out 7 o'clock, com- 
menced an attack upon the Americans under War- 
ner. Warner's force consisted of his own regiment, 
and the regiments of Col Francis and Hale. Hale, 
fearful of being overpowered by superior numbers, 
retired from the field with his regiment, leaving 
Warner and Francis, with only seven or eight hun- 
dred men, to dispute the progress of the enemy. 

13. The conflict was fierce and bloody. Francis 
fell at the head of his regiment, fighting with great 
resolution and bravery. Warner, well supported b}'^ 
his ofliicers and men, charged the enemy with such 
impetuosity that they were thrown into disorder and 
at first gave way. They, however, soon recovered, 
formed anew, and advanced upon the Americans, 
who in their turn fell back. At this critical mo- 

9'^ 



102 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

ment, are-enforcement under Gen. Reidsel arrived, 
which was iuunediately led into action, and the for- 
tune of the day was soon decided. Tlie Americans, 
overpowered by numbers, and exiiausted by fatigue, 
fled from the field in every direction. 

14. The loss of the Americans in this encounter 
was very considerable. Hale, in his cowardly at- 
tempt to' escape by flight, fell in with a i)arty of the 
British and surrendered himself and a number of 
his men, prisoners of war. The whole American 
loss in killed wounded and prisoners, was 324. The 
loss of the enemy in killed and wounded, was 183. 
Gen. St Clair, with the main body of the Ameri- 
can army, was at Castleton, only six miles distant, 
during this engagement, bnt sent no assistance to 
Warner. After the battle Warner, with his usual per- 
severance and intrepidity, collected his scattered 
troops and conducted them safely to Fort Edward, to 
which place St Clair had retired with the army. 

15. While Gen. Eraser and Reidsel were pursuing 
the Americans by land. Gen. Burgoyne himself con- 
ducted the pursuit by water. The boom and bridge 
between Ticouderoga and Mount Independence not 
being completed were soon cut through, and by nine 
o'clock in the morning of the 6th, the British frig- 
ates and gun boats had passed the works. Several 
regiments were immediatc^ly embarked on board the 
boats and the chase comnjenced. By three in the 
afternoon the foremost boats overtook and attacked 
the American gallies near Skeensborough, (now 
Whitehall;, and uj)on the approach of the frigates, 
the xA.mericans abandoned their gallies, blew up 
three of them and escaped to the shore. The oth- 
er two fell into the hands of the British. 

16. As the American force was not sufficient to 
make an effectual stand at Skeensborough, they set 
fire to the works, mills and batteaux and retreated 
up Wood Creek to fort Ann. Being ])ursued by 
the ninth British regiment under Colonel Hill, the 



FORT EDWARD ABANDONED. 103 

Airjerlcans tiirriod upon him and gave him battle 
Aviti) such spirit as to cause him to retire to the 
top of a Jiill, wliere he would have been soon over- 
powered had not a re-enforceinent arrived at that 
critical moment, to his assistance. The Americans, 
upon this, reliiKpiislied tlie attack, and liaving set fire 
to fort Ann, retreated to fort Edward and joined the 
main army under Schuyler. 

17. The retreat from Ticonderoga was very dis- 
astrous to the Amei'icans. Their cannon, amonntlng 
to 128 pieces, — tlieir shi])pingand batteaux and their 
provisions, stores and magazines, fell into the hands 
of the enemy. By this event Burgoyne obtained 
no less 1748 barrels of flour and more than 70 tons of 
salt provisions; and, in addition to these, a large 
drove of cattle, which had arrived in the American 
camj) a ihw days [trevious to their retreat, fell into 
his hands. After St Clair had joined Schuyler at fort 
Edward, and all he scattered troo})s had come in, 
the whole American force at that ])lace did not ex- 
ceed 4400 men. Sensible that with this force, it 
would be impossible to make an effectual stand, it 
became the chief object of tlie American generals 
to impede as much as })ossible the progress of the 
enemy by cutting down trees, blocking up the roads 
and destroying the bridges. 

]7. The works at fort Edward being in no con- 
dition to aflbrd ])roteclion to the Amercan army. 
Gen. Schuyler abandoned them on the 22d of July, 
and retired with his whole force to Moses Creek, a 
position on the Hudson, about four miles below fort 
Edward. At this {>lace the hills approach very near 
the river on both sides, and this was selected as a 
favorable position to njake a stand and dispute the 
progress of the enemy. But the arjny was found to 
be so much reduced by defeat and disertion, and 
the disaffection to the American cause was found to 
be so general in this section of the country, that it 
was judged best to retire to Saratoga, and subse- 



104 HISTORY or VERMONT. 

quently, to Stillwater, at which place the army ar- 
rived on the 1st day of August. 

19. The Biitish were in the mean time bringing 
forward their artillery and stores, and opening the 
way from Skeensborough to fort Edward. But so 
effectually had the Americans blocked up and ob- 
structed the road, that the British army was frequent- 
ly 24 hours in advancing one mile. It was not till 
the 30th of July that Burgoyne arrived and fixed his 
head quarters at fort Edward. Nothing could ex- 
ceed the joy of the British army on its arrival at 
the H'ldson. They flattered themselves that their 
difficulties and toils were now ended; and that tliere 
was nothing before them but a safe and easy march 
to Albany, and thence to a junction with the British 
army at New York. 

20. The British had supposed that a large pro- 
portion of the inliabirants on the New Hampshire 
grants and in the nothern jjarts of New York, were 
opposed to the revolution and that it was necessary 
only to march an arnjy into their country, and fur- 
nish them with arms to bring them all around the 
royal standard. Arms had therefore been forwarded 
by Burgoyne, a proclamation was issue<l, addressed 
to the iidiabitants of the country, and Burgoyne vvas 
now waiting for their submission, and lor the arrival 
of his tents and baggage. But notwithstanding the 
darkness and gloom which enveloped the Ameri- 
can affairs, very few were found, who were disposed 
to abandon the cause of their country for that of 
their king. 

22. At this period settlements had been com- 
menced in most of the towns in the present coun- 
ties of Bennington and Rutland, and in several 
towns to the northward of Rutland count3\ But 
upon the advance of Burgoyne along the Jake, the 
settlers retired towards the south, and at the time 
Burgoyne was upon the Hudson, very few settlers 
remained upon their farms to the northward of the 



PROCEEDINGS OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. 105 

present countrv of Bennington. But that the set- 
tlers uere true to the American cause we are assur- 
ed l)y the testimony of Bur«royne himself. In his 
])nvat(' letter to Lord Gi-rniain dated Saratoga, Aug. 
20rli, 1/77, he says "'I'he Hatnshire grants in par- 
ticular, a country unpeopled and almost unknown in 
the last war, now abounds in the most active and 
most rehellious race on the continent, and hangs like 
a gathering storm on my left." 

22. On the 15th of Juh^, the committee of safety 
of Vermont assembled at Mancliester, where they 
agreed to raise all the men they could, to oppose, the 
enemy, who were then advancing towards fort 
Edward. They at the same time wrote in the most 
urgent terms to New Hampshire and Massachusetts, 
to send on a body of troo]>s to their assistance. The 
Legislature of New Hampshire, immediately formed 
their militia into two brigades, ajid placed one under 
the command of Gen. William Whipple, and the 
other under Gen. John Stark. One fourth of his 
own brigade, and a portion of the otlier was then 
ordered to march immediately under the comniand 
of Gen. Stark, to stop the progress ol the enemy upon 
the north western Irontier. 

23. Stark had been an officer of some reputation 
in the French war, and had also distinguished himself 
at the battle of Bimker Hill ; but considering himself 
neglected by Congress in not being promoted, he 
had lelt tiie continental service, and would not accept 
the present command, unless left at liberty to serve, 
or not, under a continental officer, as he should think 
proper. As there Avas no time for delay, the assembly 
of New Hampshire invested him with a separate 
command, with orders to repair without delaj' to the 
New Hampshire grants, and act either in conjunction 
with the troops of the grants, or of the other states, 
or se})arately, as he should judge best for the protec- 
tion of the people and tlie annoyance of the enemy. 

24. Agreeably to his orders, Stark hastened forward 



10(5 HISTORY OF VERMOXT. 

with about 800 meji, and joined rho Vernioiit % )opei, 
who wt;re colitct<Mi at Mancliestf r under the coui- 
Uiand of L'olonel Scth Waruf-r, to the luunher of 
about (">00, n^aking- the united force under Stark, about 
1400 nsen. Gen Sehuyler, wisliing to collect all the 
American trooj)s in front of the British army to 
prevent its approach to Aibany, wrote repeatedly to 
Sta;k to join him with the men imder his comniaud. 
But Stark beHeve(! that the most effectual way of 
eliecking the advance of Burgoyne, was to hang; upon 
his rear and embrace every favorable 0])})orrunity to 
cut off his supplies and annoy him from that quarter, 
and therefore neglected to obi^y the orders of 
Schuyler. Schuyler complained to Congress of this 
want of sul)ordination, and Congress pro(*eeded, Au- 
gust 19th, to adoj)! a r( solution censurning the course 
pui'sued by the New Hampshire assembly in giving 
to Stark a separate command, and requesting them 
"to instruct Gen. Stark to conform himself to the 
same rules, to which other general officers of the 
militia are subject, whenever called out at the expense 
of the United States." 

25. In the mean time Stark wrote to Schuyler that 
he was willing to unite in any measures which would 
promote the pul)lic good — that he wished to avoid 
whatever was inconsistent with his own honor — and 
that private resentment should not prevent his 
marching to his camp, if it was deemed necessary. 
He was at the same time watching for an opportimity 
to manifest his corn-age and j)atnotism by an attack 
upon some ])art of the British army. Nor was he 
obliged to wait long for the opportunity to present 
itself. Nearly at the same time when Congress was 
censuring his conduct by a public resolution, Stark 
and his brave followers were acquiring unfading lau- 
els, and rendering that service to the American cause, 
which soon after ])rocured for him, from the same 
Congress, a vote of thanks, and promotion to the rank 
of brigadier general in the army of the United States. 



BENNINGTON BATTLE. 107 

26. From the 28tli of July, to near tlic middle of 
August, the ]5ritish army wa:^ coiistjuuly cmjdoyed 
ill bringing forward their batteaux asid stores from 
lake George, to the first navigable j)art of Hudson 
river. But with all his efforts and diligence, Bur- 
guoyne was imable to hruig forward, with his other 
stores, a sufficient quantity of })rovisions for daily 
consumption, and the estabhshmejit of the necessary 
magazines. It was this circumstance which induced 
him to attempt to re}>]enish his own stores at the ex- 
pense of the Americans. Having learned tiiat a large 
quantity of j)i'ovisions were collected togeth'er at Ben- 
nington, and designed for the American arm}^ and 
that they were guarded only l)y militia ; aiid, jnoreover, 
being made to believe that a majority of the [)eople 
in that quarter were friendly to the royal cause, and 
were ready to join it, whenever an opportunity should 
perniit, Burgoyne determined to surprise the place 
and secure the stores to liis ovvii army. 

27. For tlii« purpose he detached a select body of 
about 500 regular trooj)s, some Canadians and more 
than 100 In(hans, witli two light ))ieces of artillery, 
anil placed the whole under the command of Cokniel 
Baume. To facilitate their operations, and to take 
advantage of their success, a detachment of the Brit- 
ish army was posted upon the east bank of the Mud- 
son, opposite to Saratoga, and another dcracjunpnt 
under Colonel Brcymen v/as stationed at Battenkill. 
This (iispof-iition being made, Baume set out with 
liis detachment for Bep.nington, on the morning of the 
12th of August, and arrived that day at Cam!)ridge. 

28. Gen. Siark, who v/as now at Bennington with 
liis whole force, except Warrer's i-egimcnt, receiving 
intelligence that a party of Indians were at Cambridge, 
despatched Col Greg with 200 men to stoj) their ()ro- 
gress, but before night it was jisccrtainet! that a large 
body of regulars v*^(>re in the wnv of the Indians and 
that they were advancing towards ]^.•nnir!gton. Stark 
sent an express to ^V^arner to hast, u to Bennington 



108 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

with his regiment, and he also sent to the neighbor- 
ing militia to join him with all ])Ossible despatch. On 
the morning of the J4rli, he directed his march to- 
wards Cambridge, and at the distance of" seven miles, 
he met (jreg, retreating before the enemy who were 
at that time, only one mile in his rear. 

29. Stark inunediutely drew up his men in order 
of battle, and Baume, perceiving the x\mericans to be 
too strong to be attacked with his present force, halted 
upon a commanding piece of ground, and sent an ex- 
press to Colonel Breyuien to march immediately to 
liis supi)ort. In the m an time small j)arties of the 
Americans, had frequent skirmishes with the enemy, 
in which they killed and wounded 30 of them, two 
of whom were Indian chiefs, without any loss to 
themselves. The ground occupied by the Americans 
being unfavorable for a general action. Stark retreated 
about a mile and encamped. Here a council of war 
was held by which it was resolved that an attack 
should be made upon the enemy Ixifore they should 
receive any re-enforcements. Two detachments 
were therefore ordered to be in readiness, the next 
morning to |)ass round and fall upon the rear of the 
enemy, while the rest of the troo|)s attacked them in 
front. The next day, however, proved rainy, which 
prevented a general engagement, but there were fre- 
quent skirmishes between small jjarties, which resulted 
in such a manner as to afford encouragement to the 
Americans. 

30. Being joined by a swuW party of militia from 
Bei-kshire, Massachusetts, under Colonel Symonds, 
Stark proceeded on the morning of the 16th of August, 
to make a general attack upon tlie eneiin^, agreeably 
to the plans which had been concerted two days 
before. Bamne had in the mean time, entrenched 
his camp, which was situated near the Waloomsuca 
branch of the Hoosuc, and had rendered his port as 
strong as circumstances would permit. Colonel Nich- 
ols was detached with 200 men, to the rear of the 



BENNmGTOiN BATTLE. 109 

left wing of the enemy, and Colonel Herrick, with 
300 men, to the rear of their rij^ht. Colonels iluhhard 
and Siielviiey, with 200 men were ordered on the right, 
and 100 me'U were advanced in front to draw the at- 
tention of the enemy that way. The several divisions 
having taken their positions, about three o'clock the 
action connnenced. As the divisions of Nieliols and 
Ilerrick ajii)roached each otiier in the rear of the ene- 
my, the Indians, aj)|)rehenslve of being snrroimded, 
made their escape l)etween the two corps, excepting 
three killed and two wonnded by the fire of the Amer- 
cans as they passed. 

31. Nichols began the attack and was immediately 
followed by the other divisions. The onset was 
furions and determined, and the sound of the conflict 
has been likened to one continued peal of thunder. 
The German dragoons made a brave resistance, and 
when their amnjunition was expended, they were led 
on by Colonel Baume, and charged' the Americans 
sword in hand. But their bravery was unavailing. 
Aft(n- about two liours hard fighting, the enemy were 
overpowered, their works carried on all points, and 
their two ])icces of cannon taken. Colonel Baume 
was mortally wounded and fell into the hands of the 
Americans, and all his men, excepting a few, who 
escaped to the woods, were either killed or taken 
prisoners. 

32. This victory was but just completed when Stark 
received intehigence that the re-enforcement imder 
Colonel Breytneii was rapidly approaching and only 
two miles distant. Fortunately at this moment Colo- 
nel Warner arrived with his regimejit of Green Moun- 
tain Boys. Disappointed that he had not arrived in 
season to take part in the first engagement and share 
in its glories, Warner innnediately led forward his men 
and attacked the re-enforcement under Breymen v\ ith 
great spirit and resolution. Stark collected the mili- 
tia and hastened to his assistance, and the action soon 
became general. The combat was maintained with 

10 



110 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

gi-eat braveiy on both sides till sunset when the enemy 
gave way and were pursued till dark. 

33. In these two engagements the Americans took 
four brass field pieces, 12 brass drums, four ammu- 
nition waggons, and about 700 prisoners with their 
arms and accoutrements. Tlie nuinberof the enemy 
found dead on the field was 207: their number of 
woun led not ascertained. The loss of the Americans 
was trifling in comparison with that of the enemy. 
They had only 30 killed and about 40 wounded. 
This action took place near the west line of Benning- 
ton, and hence it is called "</je battle of Bennington." 

34. Nothing could be more encouraging to the 
Americans, or disheartening to the enemy than this 
splended victory of Stark, achieved jjrincipally by 
undisciplined njilitia over veteran regular troops. 
Since the fall of Montgomery an unii)terru[)ted series 
of defeats had attended the American arms in the 
northern department, and many of the most ardent 
in the cause of freedom had begun to despond. But 
by this event, they discovered that their enemy was 
not invincible^ — their hopes and their courage were 
revived, and volunteers from every quarter flocked 
to the American standard. It also enabled Stark to 
vindicate his attaclnnent to the cause of his bleeding 
country, and to render that cause a service far more 
important tlian he could have done by joining the 
main army on the Hudson. 

35. After their disasters at Bennington the Bi-itish 
army^ remained quietly at theiicamp 0})posite to Sara- 
toga for some tiuie, awaiting the approach of Colonel 
St Ledger, who had beeu sent round bythe way of 
lake Ontario, for the reduction effort Stanwix on the 
upper part of the jMohawk river. But they waited 
in vain. That ofhcer, after encountering many dif- 
ficulties, was obliged, through the defection of the 
Indians belonging to his corps, to retreat without 
accomplishing the object of the expedition. These 
events had not only retarded the advance of Bur- 



PROCEEDINGS OF GENERAL LINCOLN. Ill 

goyne, but tbej'^ served to depress the spirits of the 
royal army, while tliey at tlie same time encouraged 
the Americans, and afforded Gates, who had now 
superceded Schuyler, time to strengthen and fortify 
his camp. 

36. In the mean time General Lincoln, who com- 
manded a body of New England miHtia, determined 
to make a diversion in tlie rear of the enemy. He 
accordingly proceeded from Manchester to Pavvlet, 
and from thence on the 13th of September, despatched 
Colonel Brown with 500 men to destroy the British 
stores and release the American prisoners, which 
were collected at lake George. At the same time 
he ordered Colonel Johnson with an equal number 
oi men to proceed towards Ticonderoga to divert 
the attention of the enemy, while Brown was ac- 
com])iishing his object. In addition to these he 
detaciied Colonel Woodbridge with 500 men by 
the way of Skeensborough and fort Ann to fort Ed- 
ward. The design of these expeditions was to 
alarm and divide the British forces and to cut off 
their supplies. 

37. Brown proceeded with such secrecy and ce- 
lerity, that l)y the 18th of September he had surprised 
all the out posts between the landing place at the 
north end of lake George and the main fortress at 
Ticonderoga. The Americans had likewise recover- 
ed Mount Hope, Mount Defiance, 200 batteaux, one 
armed sloop and a number of gun boats; and they 
had taken 293 prisoners and had liberated more than 
100 Americans. Encouraged l)y this success, they 
summoned General Powel, the British commander 
of Ticonderoga, to surrender that fortress; but not 
being in a conthtion to make any effectual attempt 
against it, they returned in safety, and with scarcely 
any loss, to Lincoln's camp. 

38. General Burgoyne crossed the Hudis-on on the 
13th and 14th of September and advanced towards 
the American army, which was posted at Stillwater. 



112 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

On the 18th, 3000 Americans marched out with a 
view of attacking the enemy, hut finding' that the at- 
tempt would he too hazardous, they remained during 
the da}^ in lull view of the royal army, without com- 
mencing the attack. On the 19th, Geneial Burgoyne 
put himself at the head of tiie right wing of the 
British army and advanced towards tlie left of the 
Americans. Generals, Phillips and Reidsel, at the 
same time advanced along the river towards the right. 
Ahout one o'clock some of the American scouts fell 
in with those of the British, and attacked them with 
great holdness. 

39. The firing was no sooner heard than the ad- 
vanced ])arties of both armies pressed forward to 
battle. Re-enforcements were continually sent on 
upon botli sides and the contest soon became obstin- 
ate and general. The first attem])t of the Americans 
was to turn the right wing of the Biitish army and 
flank their line. Failing in this, they moved in regu- 
lar order to the left and there made a furious assault. 
Both armies were determined to conquer, and the 
battle raged without intermission for three hours. 
Any advantage upon one side was soon counter- 
balanced by an equal advantage on the other. — 
Cannon and favorable })ositions were taken, lost and 
re -taken in quick succession; and the two armies 
might be com|>ared to the two scales of a mighty 
balance, trembling with equal burdens in doubtful 
oscillation, and, had not night put an end to the 
struggle, it is extremely doubtful which would have 
preponderated. 

40. This engagement, though undecisive, was ad- 
vantageous to the Americans. The British lost in 
killed, wounded and prisoners, more than 500 men, 
Avhile the loss of the x-^mericans amounted to 64 killed, 
217 wounded and 38 missing. But the princi|)al ad- 
vantage arose from the new impressions wl.-ich were 
made upon the minds of the royal army. They had 
hitherto regarded the American army as an assem- 
blage of unorganized cowardly Yankees, which could 



BATTLE OF THE SEVENTH OF OCTOBER. 113 

nover be brought to face regular British and German 
troops upon the fiekl of battle. And when the}' came 
to see those, \viioni they regarded as desj)icable back 
woodsmen, mahitaining, in their rustic homespun and 
leather aprons, with no otiier arms than rusty fowUng 
pieces, an animated and determined attack upon tlie 
royal troops, till darkness put it out of their power to 
continue it, their hearts sunk within them, and the 
most sanguine could not suj)press fearfid forebodings 
with regard to the termination of tiieir expedition. 

41. The Indians in particular, were so disheartened, 
that nearly all of them immediately left the British 
service, and about 250 of them came over and joined 
the American army. The Canadians and Tories also 
deserted in large numbers. From the 20th of Sep- 
tember to the 7th of October, the two armies lay very 
near each other and skirmishes between small parties 
were continually kept up. During this time the 
American army was receiving daily accessions from 
the surrounding country, while that of the British 
was continually diminishing by desertion and other 
causes. On the 7th, General Burgoyne put himself 
at the head of 1500 regulars, for the purpose of cov- 
ering a foraging party and discovering whether it 
would be possible to force a passage down the Hud- 
son, should it be found necessary to alter his position. 

42. As soon as Gates received intelligence of the 
marching of this detachment, he put his ti'oops in 
motion to meet them, and about four o'clock in the 
afternoon an action commenced which continued till 
night, and was one of the most animated and obstinate 
ever fought in America. The British troops were at 
length compelled to retreat to their camy), and some 
of their entrenclunents were carried by the Americans 
sword in hand ; their loss in the conflict was very 
severe, cojnpared with that of the Americans. Gen. 
Fraser, Col Breymen and several other officers were 
slain, and Sir James Clark, Majior Williams and Major 
Ackland were w^ounded and taken prisoners. The 

10* 



114 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

Americans took in the whole 200 prisoners, nine pie- 
ces of cannon, and a large quantity of amunition and 
camp equipage. 

43. As the force of Burgoyne was thus constantly 
diminishing, while that of Gates was daily augment- 
ing l)y fresh arrivals, it became obvious that nothing 
short of a retreat to Canada could now prevent the 
complete overthrow of the royal army. This Bur- 
goyne attempted as a dernier resort, but soon found 
that the Americans had so completely hemmed him 
in, as to render it utterly impracticable. Gates now 
employed every means to cut off the supplies of the 
enemy and the situation of the royal army I ecame 
so desperate, that, on the 13lh of October, Burgoyne 
called a council of war by which it was unanimously 
determined to propose a capitulation The next day, 
Major Kingston was sent to the Americans ; hostilities 
were susj)ended ; and onthe 15th and 16th, the articles 
of capitulation were severally agreed upon, and were 
to be signed the next day. During the night of the 
16th, Burgo^'Ue received intelligence that a British 
army was advancing up the Hudson to his assistance ; 
and as the capitulation was not yet signed, he was 
of opinion that it was best to suspend the execution 
of it, and trust to events. But his council decided that 
the public faith was already pledged for the execution 
of rhe treaty. 

44. Gates, who was well apprised of the advance 
of the British up the Hudson, and fearful that Bur- 
goyne might be encouraged by it to further resistance, 
got every thing in readiness for attacking him on the 
morning of the 17th. At nine o'clock, the time fixed 
for signing the articles, he sent Colonel Greaton on 
horse-back to General Burgoyne for his signature, 
allowing him only ten minutes to go and return. The 
business was accomplished in the time specified, and 
the Americans marched back to their camp to the 
tune of Yankee-Doodle. The whole number of 
troops, which were surrendered by this capitulation, 



SURRENDER OF BURGOYNE. 115 

was 6219, together with all the arms and military 
stores belonging to tlie British army. 

45. Tliis event terminated the career of Burgoyne 
and of the nortliern Briti:^h army in America, and 
nearly ])nt an end to the war in the vicinity of V^ermont. 
The regular force imder Gates was moved ofFto com- 
bat the enemy in otljer quarters, and tlie sturdy yeo- 
manry, who had rallied around his standard and fought 
the battles of their country, now returned to tlieir 
homes. The country which had been made deso- 
late by the ravages of war, began again to be inhabited ; 
and the inhabitants were allowed once more to de- 
vote their attention to their civil and domestic affairs. 

46. We have been tljus particular respecting the 
invasion of Burgoyne, as well on account of its effects 
in breaking up the settlements in the western })arts 
of Vermont, as of the important part performed by 
the Green Mountain Boys in checking, and finally 
captivating the British army. In this business the 
people of Vermont made common cause with those 
of other states, and we have therefore not interru})ted 
our account of the great events of the Revolution 
which transpired upon our borders, by any account 
of our internal policy. We shall, however, proceed 
in the next cha))ter, to consider more particularly the 
situation of Vermont, with respect to her internal 
government, and her relations to the neighboring 
states, and to the British forces in Canada, during the 
war for Independence, 



HISTORY OF VERMONT. 



CHAPTER IV. 

CIVIL POLICY OF VERMONT DURING THE REVOLUTION. 



SUCTION I. 



From the year 1775, to the Declaration of the Indepen- 
dence of Vermont in 1777. 

1. Having completed our account of those impor- 
tant events in the American war,in which the people of 
Vermont were more ])articularly concerned, we shall 
now turn our attention to their internal policy, and 
endeavor to trace the successive steps hy which the 
powers of government were assumed, and their po- 
litical fabric erected. The New Hampshire grants, 
having never been recognized by the king as a sep- 
arate jurisdiction, and having ever refused submission 
to the authority of New York, were, at the commence- 
ment of the revolution, nearly in a state of nature, 
being without any internal organization under which 
the inhabitants could act with system and effect. 
Their only rallying point and bond of union was their 
common interest in resisting the claims and au- 
thority of New York. Yet the same interests which 
drove them to resistance, gave the effect of law to 
the recommendations of their committees, while a 
few bold and daring spirits, as if formed for the very 



CONVENTION AT DORSET. 117 

occasion, gave impulse, and energy, and system to 
their operations. 

2. Tlius stiiiated, were the inhabitants of tlie 
New Hampshire grants, when the first scene of the 
great drama of fhe revolution was openetl at Lexing- 
ton, and as all lesser lights are swallowed up in the 
superior splendor of the sun, so were all the minor 
controversies among the colonists for a while absorbed 
in the more momentous controv(;rsy with the mother 
country. But the |)artial relief, now experienced, from 
the opi)ression of New York, served only to discover to 
of the inhabitants of the grants, the frailty of their bond 
union, and to convince them of the necessity of a 
bett(u- organization, both to enable them to maintain 
the grouncis, which they had assumed in relation to 
New York, ixnd to put it in their jjovver to render effi- 
cient aid to their countrymen in the contest with 
Great Britian. 

3. Accordingly, in the fall of tlie year 1775, several 
of the leading men in the grants, repaired to Phila- 
delphia, wliere the American Congress was then 
sitting,to procure the advice of tliat body with regard 
to the course proper to be pursued, under existing 
circumstances, by the inhabitants of the grants. 
Congress did not act formally upon their request, 
but on tlie return of these men to the grants, they 
spread circulars among the peoj)le, setting forth as 
the 0])inion of several influential members of that 
body, that the inhabitants should immediately form 
a temporary association and adopt such regulations 
as were required by the exigencies of their situation. 

4. A convention of delegates from tlie several town- 
ships was according assembled at Dorset, on the 16th 
of January, 1776. This convention forwarded a pe- 
tition and address to Congress, in which, after giv- 
ing a brief sketch of the controversy with New York, 
they avowed their unwavering attachment to the 
cause in which the colonies had unsheathed the sword, 
and expressed their willingness to bear their full 



118 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

proportion of the burden of prosecuting the war. But 
at the same time, they declai-ed their unwillingness 
to be considered as in any manner subject to the 
authority, or jurisdiction of New York, or to be 
called upon, when their services should be required, 
as inhabitants of that province. 

5. This was the first petition of the inhabitants of 
the grants to Congress, and the committee to whom 
it was referred reported, that it be recommended to 
the petitioners to submit for the present to the gov- 
ernment of New York, and assist their countrymen 
in the contest with Great Britain ; but that such 
submission ought not to prejudice their right to any 
lands in controversy, or be construed to affirm, or 
admit, the jurisdiction of New York over the coun- 
try, when the present troubles should be ended. 
Mr Heman Allen, the agent by whom this petition 
was forwarded, considering the report of the com- 
mittee unfavorable to the grants, obtained leave to 
withdraw the petition, and thus prevented Congress 
from corning to any decision upon the subject. This 
took place on the 4th of June, 1776 and on the 4th 
of July following. Congress published to the world 
the memorable declaration of American Independ- 
ence. 

6. By this declaration of Independence, the j>eople 
on the New Hampshire grants were placed in a situa- 
tion more difficult and embarrassing than before, and 
there were various opinions with regard to the course 
which should be pursued. Some thought it best 
to place themselves under the jurisdiction of New 
Hampshire: some considered the submission of the 
grants to the authority of New York the only course 
of safety ; but the more resolute and influential were 
for assuming the powers of government and hazard- 
ing the consequences. To ascertain the state of 
public opinion on this subject, it was determined 
that a general convention should be called, and cir- 



VERMONT DECLARES HER INDEPENDENCE. 119 

ciilars were accordingly addressed to the different 
towns, requesting tliein to a})point delegates. 

7. There was a general conjpliance with this re- 
quest, and delegates from thirty five towns assembled 
at Dorset on the 24th of July, 1776. At this session 
it was agreed hy the d<degates to enter into an as- 
sociation among themselves for the defence of the 
liberties of their country. But at the same time they 
resolved that they would not associate with, or sub- 
mit to, the provincial government of New York, and 
that all such inhabitants of the grants as should thus 
associate, or submit, sliouKl be regarded as enemies 
to the common cause. This convention met again 
by adjournment at the same place on the 25th of 
September, and resolved unanimously,'" to take suita- 
ble measures, as soon as may be, to declare the New 
Hamjjshire grants a free and separate district." 

8. On the ]5th of January, 1777, the convention 
met again at ^Vestminster. The sentiments of their 
constituents were now well ascertained, and, being 
convinced that there was now no other way of safety 
left, they on the 16lh of that month published the 
following declaration : " this convention, whose mem- 
bers are duly chosen by the free voice of their con- 
stituents, in the several towns on the New Hampshire 
grants, in ))ub!ic meeting assembled, in our own names, 
and in behalf of our constituents, do hereby proclaim 
and puhlichj declare that the district of territory compre- 
he7idivg, and usiiallj/ knoivn hy the name and description 
of the JVew Hampshire grants?, of right ought to be, 
and is hereby declared forever hereafter to be, a free and 
independent jiirisdictian, or stcde ; to be forever hereaf- 
ter called, Jmoivn, and distivgitished by the name of 
JVew Connecticut, alias vekmont." 

9. And this declaration of independence further- 
more asserts, "that the inhabitants vvd o at present 
are, or who may hereafter become resident, either 
by birth or emigration, within said territory, shall be 
entitled to the same privileges, immunities and en- 



120 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

franchisements as are allowed, or as may hereafter 
at any time be allowed, to the inhabitants of any of 
the free and independent states of America: And 
that such privileges and immunities shall be regula- 
ted in a bill of rights, and by a form of government 
to be established at the next session of this conven- 
tion." 

10. The foregoing declaration was unanimously 
adopted by tlie convention ; after which they drew 
up a declaration and petition to Congress, in which 
they announced to that body, as the grand represen- 
tative of the United j*^tates, that they had declared 
t!ie territory, commonly known by the name of the 
New Hampshire, grants a hee and independent state, 
possessing the right to regulate their own internal 
policy in any manner which should not be repug- 
nant to the resolves of Congress. Tiiey moreover 
declared their attachment to the common cause and 
expressed their willingness to contribute their full 
proportion towards maintaining the war with Great 
I5ritain. They closed by ])raying that their declara- 
tion might be acknowledged by Congress and that 
delegates from Vermont might be admitted to seats 
in that body. This declaration and petition was signed, 
and was presented to Congress by James Fay, Thomas 
Chittenden, Heman Allen and Reuben Jones, four 
of the most respectable members of the convention. 

11. These prompt and decisive m(>asures of the 
convention evinced the wisdom and boldness of the 
statesmen, who at this period directed the affairs 
of Vermont, and i)laced the community in a con- 
dition to adopt an efficient organization of its own. 
Vermont, in justification of the course of policy 
she was pursuing, contend* d that she had the same 
right to assume the powers of govenmient, which 
was ])ossessed by the continental Congress, and 
that every consideration, which could justify the jiro- 
ceedings of that body, might be urged as a reason 
why the people of Vermont should embrace the 



ESTABLISHMET OF THE GOVERNMENT. 121 

present o])portiinity, eifectiially to secure themselves 
against the o)))>ression mider ^vIlic■h they had so long 
suffered. Happy was it fur the new state, that these 
measures were adopted and supported with that 
firmness and tenij)crance, which were alone adequate 
to secure a haj)ify result. 



SECTION IT. 

Estahlishnent of the Government of Vermont— from the 
Declaration of Independence January 15, 1777, to 
the Meetinii of the General Assembly on the 12th of 
March 1778. 

1. These proceedings of Vermont, by which she 
had declare(! herself to be a separate and indepen- 
dent jurischction, were n^garded with very different 
feelings by the neighiioring states. While New llamp- 
sliire, Massachusetts and Connecticut were ready to 
admit Vermont as a new member of the federal un- 
ion, and applauded the spirit and boldness with 
which she asserted and maintained her rights. New 
York regarded these tranasctions as open acts of trea- 
son and rebellion against the ia^vful authority of that 
state. W'if h tlicse views, the convention of New York, 
on the 20th of Januar}^, 1777, and again on the 1st of 
March, of the same year, addressed communications 
to Congress, in which they represented the proceed- 
ings of Vermont as resulting from the arts and insti- 
gations of designing men, and n'-t, as had been 
ref>rescntod, from a general desire of the inhabitants 
of that district to renounce their allegiance to the ati- 
thority of New Yoik. 

2. They conjplained of the injuries done them by 
Congress in the appointment of officers in the disaffec- 
ted portion of their state v/ithout their consent, 

11 



122 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

and intimated their apjH'eliensions that it was the 
design of Congress to countenaFiCe the inisurgents in 
their rebellion. Tliey urged i!{)on Congress the ne- 
cessity of immediately recalling the cojumissions 
given to Colonel Warner and the officers under him, 
as an act of justice to New York, and as the means 
of opening the eyes of the " delude<l people" on the 
grants, who had set np for a S'jparate jurisdiction, and 
were now desiring Congress to sanction their illegal 
proceedings. Tiiey represented the influence of 
Warner as very inconsiderable, even in the disaffec- 
ted district, and that his services were a matter of no 
consequence to the countr3\ 

3. VVhile New York was thus laying her grievan- 
ces before Congress, and rising all her influence to 
prevent that body from recognizing the in(ie]jendence 
of the grants, the internal affairs of Vermont Vv'ere 
rapidly assuming that form and regularity, which 
was calcula ed to insure a pennanent and efficient 
organization of the governn)ent. In April, Thomas 
Y^oung, a distinguished citizen of Philadelphia, ad- 
dressed a conjmunication to the inhabitants of Ver- 
mont, in v.hich he rej^resented it as the opinion of 
several of the lea(h ng members of Congress, that 
Vermont should proc;^ed,in her organization, form a 
constitution, and apj)oint delegates to Congress ; and 
he declared it to be his own individual o|)inion that 
Congrsss would not hesitate to sanction their pro- 
ceedings, or to admit their delegates to a seat in that 
honorable body. 

4. This coujmunication was ])rcrixed to a resolu- 
tion, which Congress had passed on the 15th of May, 
177n. wliich recommendtd to the assemblies aiul con- 
ventions of the United Colonies, where no govern- 
ment, sufficient to the exigencies of their affairs, had 
already been esta!)lished, to adopt such government 
as, in the opinion of the representatives of the people, 
should best conduce to tiie hapj)iness and safety of 
their constituents. This resolution was regarded by 



COMMUNICATION* OF THOMAS YOUNG. 123 

tliG {lutlior of iho coiuiuiiiikMiioii, aS a full license 
from Congress to the grants, to assume the powers 
of government, and bo recommended tluit no lime 
be lost in availing themselves of ilie present opportu- 
nity toestahlisli a separate dominion. 

5. Alarmsul at tlie, suggestions in the foregoing 
commnnicatioii of Thornas Yuuni!-, the council of 
safety of New York ])roeeeded, on the 23th of May, 
to n)ake a further efF.)rt to arrest the progress of Ver- 
mont. With this view they addressed a letter to the 
president of Congs-ess, in which ihey say that, "as a 
report prevails and daily gains credit, that the revol- 
tcrs are privately countenanced iu their designs hy 
certain members of Congress, we esteem it our duty 
to give this int'ormation, tliat by a proper resolution 
on the subject, the reputation of Congress may cease 
to be injured by ini})utations so disgraceful and dis- 
honorable. However unwiUing we may be to 
entertain suspicions so disreputable to any member 
of Congress, yet the truth is, that no inconsiderable 
numbers of the people of this state, do believe the 
report to be well founded." 

6. With a view of bringing Congress to a decision 
on th.e subject of thi^ controversy^, on the 23rd of 
June, one of the New York delegates laid before that 
body the comnnmication of Thomas Young to the 
inhabitants of Vermont. Congress now took up the 
matter, and the petitions and comnninicanons from 
New York and the New Hampshire grants, were 
referred to a committee of the whole. This commit- 
tee, on the 30th day of June, among other things 
resolved, that Congress would not recommend or 
countenance any thing injurious to the rights and 
jurisdiction of the several connnunities herein rep- 
resented. — That the inhribitar.ts of the New Hamp- 
shire grants cannot be justified in their declaration of 
in(lej)en(l' nee, by ihc example of the United Colonies, 
nor by any actor resolution of Congress.-That the pe- 
tition of Vermont, to be recognized p^-^" ^m-i- - otT.i.,, f 



124 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

State, and to have her delegates adinitted to seats in 
Congress, be dismissed. They farther resolved that 
the communication of Thomas Young was derogatory 
to the honor of Congress, and contained a gross njis- 
rej)resentation of the resolution of that body therein 
reierred to, and uas calculated to mislead the peo- 
ple to whom it was ad(h'essed. 

7. While Coiigress were thus resolving to dismiss 
the petition of the inhabitants of Vermont, and utterly 
to discountenance their proceedings, the people of 
Vermont were engaged in forming a constitution for 
the regulation of their civil goveinment, being fully 
persuaded that their independence must now be sup- 
ported with the same firmness and spirit with which 
it had been declared. The same convention, which 
liad declared the independeiice of Vermont, met, by 
adjournment, at Windsor on the first Wednesday of 
June, and appointed a committee to make a draft of 
a consiitution for the state. Th.ey also adopted a reso- 
lution, recommending that the several towns apj)nint 
delegates to meet in convention at Windsor, on the 
2d day of July following, for the pin-pose of discuss- 
ing and adopting said constitution. 

8. In comj)liance with the foregoing resolution, the 
convention assembled at Windsor, on the 2d day of 
July, and a dralt of a constitution was presented and 
read. While the convention were deliberating upon, 
and adopting the several articles of this important 
instrument, tiiey receiv^ed the news of the evacuation 
on the 6th of July, of Ticonderoga by the American 
troops. This event left the whole western border 
of Vermont ex])osed to tlie ei:iem3^ and spread alarm 
and consternation through this and the neighboring 
states. "In tins awful crisis," says Allen in his His- 
tory of Vermont " the convention was for leaving 
Windsor; but a severe thunder storm came on and 
gave them time to reflect; while some members less 
alarmed at the news, called the attention of the con- 
vention to finish the constitution, which was then 



FIRST CONSTITUTION ADOPTED. 

reading, paragrapli by ])aragia])li for the last time. 
This was tloiie, and the cuiiveiuion a[)p()jnte(l a coun- 
cil of safety to act (hiring iheir recess, and adjourned." 

9. Iinni3diately after the adjournment of the con- 
vention, the council of safety of Vermont wrote to 
the councils of safety of Massachusetts and New 
Hampsliire, setting i<)rth their exposed condition 
since the ahandonment of Ticonderoga, and calling 
upon them in the most ])ressing terms for assistance. 
These comjuunications were (hued at Ttlanchester 
July 15th, 1777. Upon this aj)plication the council 
of safety ot New Hampshire immediately convened 
the assembly of that state, who without delay placed 
a large hotly of their militia under the command of 
General Stark, and ordered him to repair to Charles- 
town on Connecticut riv^er ; constdt with the council 
of Verniont with regard to suj)plies and future Oj)8- 
rations ; and act in conjmiction with the troops of 
that or any other state, or of the United States, as 
in his opinion, would tend most afiectually to stop 
t!ie progress of the enemj^ on tlie Vv'cstern frontier. 
These orders were promj)tiy obeyed, and those troop?', 
in conjunction with those of Vermont, at Bennington, 
gave the enemy the lirst effectual check, as related 
in the preceding chajiicr. 

10. Previous to the adjournment of the convention 
it had been ordered that the first election under the 
constitution should take ])lace in December, 1777; 
and that tlie representatives then elected, should meet 
at Bennijiglon in January following. Public attention 
was, however, so much engrossed by the advance 
of the enemy under Burgoyne, that the constitution 
was not printed in season to have the election take 
place at the time a])pointed. The convention was, 
therefore, again called together at Windsor by the 
council of safety, on the 24th of Decemi)er, where 
they revised tlie constitution, and posi])oned tlie day 
of election to the first Tuesday of March 1778, and 

11* 



126 HISTORY or VERMONT. 

the meeting of the assembly to the second Thursday 
of the sairie month. 

11. The manner in which these ])roceedings of 
Vermont were viev/ed by New Uan]j)shire and New 
York, is obvious from the style of their communica- 
tions during tills period. In answer to the aj)])licat}on 
of the couiiC'l of safety of Vermont for assistance, Mr 
Weare, president cf the council of New Hampshire, 
addressed Vermont as a free and sovenngn. but new 
slate, and in sucli terms as to leave no doubt but th'it 
Nev/ Hampshire willingly acknowledged her inde- 
pendence. But not so with New York. The pro- 
ceedings of Vermont, it is true, had changed her 
polic}', but had by no means reconciled her to a re- 
linqulsh'nent of her jurisdiction over the giants. In 
liis ]>roc]amation addressed to the inhabitants of the 
grani.3, FoDriiary ,.?3d, 1778, the Governor of New 
York, after conlirming their titles to their lands in 
particular cases and making several concessions in 
their favor, expressly declares tliat, that government 
" will vigcrously w.aintnin its rlghtfal supremacy over 
the pcrsGJis and property of. those disaffected subjectsJ'^ 

12. The overtures in the proclamation of Governor 
Clinton, from which the above extiact is taken, have 
a semblance of iairnr^ss whicdi might liave misled a 
people, less discerning, and less jealous of their rights 
than thoy to v.hom they were addressed. But the 
peo))ie of Vern^iont had been too long accustomed to 
a thorough investigation of every point in the con- 
trove3Gy not to perceive that these overtiu'cs held out 
no prospect of substantial relief. They perceived at 
once tJidt New York was now endeavoring to effect 
that by yjolicj^ which she had heretofore vainly at- 
tempted by force. They had ever acted upon the 
conviction that the claims of New York were ground- 
less ; and, having now declared their independence 
and adopted a constitution, they were by no means 
to be cajoled into an acknovv ledgement of the " su- 
premacy" of that state. An answer to this proclama- 



CONTROVERSY WITH NBW HAMPSHIRE. 127 

tion was afterwards published by Ethan Allen, in 
which he points out ils soj)liistry^ shows that its over- 
tures "are all romantic, dosiji-iicd only to deceive 
woods peoj^lc," and (.'xhorts his feilovv citizens to 
maintain inviolate the supremacy of tlin independent 
state of Vermont, as the only means of security to 
their persons and ]>roperty. 



SECTION in. 



Controversy with JVtw Hampshire in 1778, and 1779 — 
Legislative proceedings in Vermont. 

1. Affer the royal decision of the controversy be- 
tween New Hamj)shire and New York, in tavor of 
the latter, in 1764. New Hampshire Ijad made no 
attempt to continue her jurisdiction over the disj)uted 
territory. Hence we have hitherto had occasion to 
consider the peoi)le of Vermont, oidy in their relation 
to the government of New York ; but the declaration 
of their inde|)endence and the organization of then* 
government were, in their consequences, the occasion 
of new difficulties, not only with New York, but also 
with New Hampshire and Massachusetts. 

2. The original tfMTitory of New Ham])sliire was 
granted to John IMason, and was bounded on the west 
by ci line sixty miles fi-om the sei. The lands be- 
tween this line and Connecticut river, were royal 
grants, and belonged to New Hampshire by virtue of 
the commissions of the governors of that province. 
Vermont had no sooner organized her government 
than the inhabitants on thcs(! lands manifested their 
desire to dissolve their coimexion with New Hamp- 
shire and unite with Vermont. In their justification, 



128 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

they contended, that all the territoiy west of Mason's 
grant, had been hold in subjection to New Hampshire 
by force of the royal commissions — that when the 
ro\'aI authority ceased iu the colonics, in cons"quence 
of the declaration of independence, their all(;giance 
to New Hampshire ceased, and they were left at lib- 
erty to form a sejKU-ate government, or to unite with 
such neighboring government as would consent to a 
union. 

3. With these views of iheir relations to New Hamp- 
shire, the ))eople on the territory betv/een Blason's 
grant- and Connecticut river, proceeded to make ar- 
rangements for proposing a roiniexion with Vermont. 
The Legislature of Vermont met, for the first lime, 
on tije ]2th of March, J778, at Windsor, and the 
same day a petition v/as presented from sixteen towns 
on the east side of Corinecticut river, praying to be 
adujitted to a union with v'ormont. Tne Legi;-!ature 
was much embarrassed bj' tliis ap[)lication. Most of the 
members li'omthe west side of the mountains regar- 
ded the union as a dangerou measure and the majority 
of the assembly appeared to be against it; yet sever- 
al of the towns iu Vermont on Connecticut river were 
very desirous that the towns from New IIam|)shire 
should be received, and went so far as to j)ropose 
withdrawing from vheir (Connexion with Vermont and 
settiiig U|) another state. In this state of things, and for 
the purpose of jjreserving its own union, the Legisla- 
ture voted, on the 18th of Ptiarch, 1778, to refer the 
decision of the question to the peo[)le. 

4. The Legislature met again by adjournment on 
the 4Lh of June, at Bennington, when it ap])eared 
that a majority of the towns were in favor of the 
union with the sixteen towns from New Hampshire ; 
and, June lltii, it was "voted that the union take 
place — tijirty seven in the affirmative and twelve in 
the negative." It was also voted that any other towns 
on the east side of Connecticut river might be admit- 
ted to a union, on producing a vote of the majoritv of 



FIRST UNION WITH A PART OF N. HAMPSHIRE. 129 

the inhabitants, or on their sending a reyjresentative 
to the assembly of Vermont. Having thus effected 
their [)nrpo.se, the sixteen towns intbimed the gov- 
ernment of New Hampshire tiiat they had withdrawn 
from their jin-isdiciiofj, and wished the division line 
to be established and a friendly intercourse to be 
kept up. 

5. Those who were anxious for this union, had 
represented to the Legislature, that the inhabitants of 
the sixteen towns wei-e nt-arly unanimous in their 
votes to join Vermont, and that New Hampshire, as 
a state, would not object to their withdrawing from 
her jurisdiction. But the event proved both these 
representations to be false. The government of 
New Ham})shire was justly incensed at the pro- 
ceedings. Mr Weare, President of the Council of 
New Hanipshire, wrote to Congress on the 19th of 
August, to j)rocure advice, and, in case of necessity, 
the interference of that body. On the 22d of Au- 
gust, he, in the name of the general assembly of that 
stnte, wrote to Mr Chittende]j, governor of Vermont, 
claiming the sixteen towns as a part of New Hamp- 
shire. He stated that a large portion of the inhabi- 
tants of those towns were 0})jjosed to the union, 
that this minority had claimed the })rotection of 
the state, and that the government of New Hamp- 
shire considered itself l)Ound to protect them. He 
urged Governor Chitenden to exert his influence 
with the Legislature, to dissolve a connexion, which 
would endanger their peace and probably their po- 
litical existence. 

6. On the reception of this communication, Gov- 
ernor Chittenden convened the council, and it was 
agreed that Colonel Ethan Allen should re[)air to 
Philadelphia and ascertain how the proceedings of 
Vermont were regarded l)y Congress. On his return 
he reported that Coisgress was unanimously o[)po- 
sed to the i)rocecdings of Vermont in relation to the 
union with New Hampshire ; but that if those pro- 



130 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

ceedings were disannulled, only the delegates from 
New York would oppose their independence. The 
Legislature met again by adjournment on the 8th of 
Octo!)er, 1778, at Windsor, and, having received the 
report of Col Allen, Oct. 13th, they took up the sub- 
ject of the union. 

7. At the first session of the Legislature in March, 
the state had been divided into two counties, Ben- 
nington on the west side of the mountains, and 
Cumberland on the east. After considering and 
debating the subject of their connexion with the six- 
teeen towns frojn New Hampshire, from the 13th to 
the 21st of October, votes were taken in tlie Legislature 
on the following questions, the result of which evin- 
ced the determination of a majority of the members 
to proceed no further in that hazardous experiment. 
Qucstioii 1st. Shall the counties in this state remain 
as thev were estal)lished in IMarch last? This ques- 
tion was decided in the affirmative^ yeas 35, nays 26. 
Question 2d. Shall the towns on the east side of 
the Connecticut river, which have been admitted to 
a union with Vermont, be included in the county of 
Cumberland ? Question Sd. Shall said towns be 
erected into a county by themselves ? The last 
two questions were both decided in the negative : 
yeas 28, nays 33. 

8. Finding by these votes that the Legislature did 
not incline, at present, to do any thing more on the 
sui)ject of the union, the representatives from the 
towns on the east side of the Connecticut, with- 
drew from the assembly, in which they had been 
admitted to seats, and were followed by fifteen rep- 
resentatives from towns on tlie west side of the river, 
together with the Lieutenant governor, and two of 
the Council. After these members had withdrawn, 
the number left was barely sufficient to constitute a 
qiiorum. They therefore proceeded to transact the 
remaining business of the session, and adjourned on 
the 24tli of October, to meet again at Bennington on 



FIRST UHION WITH TART OF N. H. 131 

tlic second Thursdny of February next, liaving re- 
vsolvcd to refer the subject of the union with New 
Hampshire to their constituents for instriTCtioiis how 
to ])roceed at their next session. 

9. The socceedin;! members, after entering a for- 
mal protest ujion the jounials against the jjroeeed- 
ings of die As.sem!)]y, held a meeting at which they 
made arrangements for calHng a convention, to 
which they invited al! the tovvjis, in the vicinity of 
Connecticut river, to send delegates. The object of 
this convention was to establL^di a government in the 
valley of the Cormecticut, the centre and seat of 
Avhich should be some wIuut upon that stream. The 
convention met at Cornish, New llami)sl]ire, on the 
9th of December, and a union was agreed upon by 
a majority of the delegates, witliout any regard to 
former limits, and a proposal wr.s made to New 
Hani])shire, either to agree \^ith that state upon a 
division line, or to submit it to Congress, or to ar- 
bitrators mutually chosen. In case neither of^thcse 
pro[)Osals was accepted, they proposed tltat the}'^ 
would consent that all the grants should b.e united 
with New Hampshire and altogether become one 
entn-e stato, coextensive w'ith the claims of New 
Ilampsliire ])revious to the royal decision in ]7()4. 
Till one of tljese proposals was acceded to, they " re- 
solved to trust in providence and defend them- 
selves." 

10. Only eight towns on tlie west side of Connec- 
ticut river were represented in this convention, and 
tlie delegates from some of these declined taking any 
part in making the foregoing y)roj)(!saIs to New 
Hampshire. From the })roceedings of this conven- 
tion it became obvious that the whole aim of the 
leading njen in the vicinity of Connecticut river, was 
to establish such a government as to bring thenjselves 
in the centre, and itdiil not appear to be mateiial with 
them whether this was efii.ctcd by a union of a 
part of New Hampshire with Vermont, or by bring- 



132 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

iiig the whole of Vermont under the jurisdiction of 
New Hamjjshire. The people of Vernjoiit were now 
fully seiisil.'le of the itnpiOiicy, as well as injustice, of 
aiding in the disnieniherniejit of New Hampshire, 
and they were wise enough to embrace the first 
opportunity to retrace their steps and dissolve a con- 
nexion which threatened their iiiin. 

11. The Legislature of Vermont met at Benning- 
ton, according to adjournment, on the 11th of Febru- 
ary, 1779, and the next day they voted to dissolve 
the luiion v>hich had subsisted between them and 
the towns in New Hampshire. This determination 
of the Legislature of Vermont, was immediately 
couHnmiicated to the government of New Hamp- 
shire by Ira Allen, and was received while efforts 
were making to gain the assent of that govermnent 
to the proposals njade by the Cornish convention. 
Encouraged \)y these divisions, the Legislature of- 
New Hampsiiire now resolved to lay claim, not only 
to the sixteen towns, which had united with Ver- 
mont, but to the v.hole state of Vermont, as grants 
original!} n^ade by that j)iovince. Application 
\vas made to Congress for a conlirmation of this 
claiu), and at the same tiiue New Yojk applied to 
that body for a confirmation of her title to the teri- 
tory in (piestion. 

12. Circumstances connecrted with these applica- 
tions convinced the people of Vermont, that tJiey 
were the result of the intrigues of the leading men in 
those states, and were designed to effect a division 
of Vermont between them, by a line alojig the sum- 
mit of the Green Mountains. As the other states in 
general took but little interest in these controversies, 
and as the adjusmn nt of them was embarrassing to 
Congress, it wasthouglit that, if New Hampshire and 
New York should agree, it would be left y>retty 
much to those two states to settle the afJairs of Ver- 
mont between them, in wiiich case Vermont must 
certainly lose her separate existence as a state. But 



CONTROVERSY WITH N. K. AND N. Y. 133 

either to disappoint t]ie parties, which appeared to 
be resohed on the annihilation of V^erniont, or for 
some other cause, Massachusetts now interj)osed and 
claimed a portion ot"tlie (lis|)uted territory, as vvitiiin 
her jurisdiction. Thus was V^u'mont struggHii£^ to 
maintain her indej)eudtMice against the three adjoin- 
ing states wliich were all clainiing her territory and 
the right of jurisdiction, nor had her proceedings yet 
received any countenai.ee of encouragment from the 
continental Congress. 



SECTION IV. 

Controversy ivith J\^civ YorI{, J^eiv Hampshire and 
Massachusetts, in 1778 — 1779, aiid 1780. 

1. During their troubles, resulting from thcirunion 
with a part of New Hampshire, and which have been 
mentioned in the preceding section, Vermont was 
still as deeply as ever involved hi the controversy 
with New York ; but now, events transpired in the 
southeastern part of the county of Cumberland, which 
gave to that controversy a much more alarming as- 
])ect On the 7th of July, 1778, Governor Clinton 
wrote to his friends in Vermont, reconimendinff, that 
wherever the partizans of New York were suificient- 
ly powerful, firm resistance should be made to the 
draughting of men, the raising of taxes and to all the 
acts oftiie "ideal Vermont State ;" and albO "that 
associations be Ibrmed for nuitual defence against 
this usurpation." At the same titne he wrote to 
Congress, urging their decision of the controversy, 
and blaming the people of Vermont for the violence 
of their proceedings. 

Q. In conformity to the recommendation of Governor 
Clinton, the friends of N(!vv York met in cojivention 
at Brattleborougli on the 4th of May, 1779, and, hav- 
12 



134 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

ing org-anizod, drew iij) a [)etition to the Governor of 
New York, in wli'ch, ,ifhr sratinjj the suniiuary man- 
ner in which the pniended State of Veriiioiit was 
proceeding- to confiscate tlieir property, and various 
otiier grievances, they " entreat his Excellency to take 
iniine(hate measures for protecting the loyal subjects 
of that part of the state, and for convincing Congress 
of the imj)ropriety of delaying a decision in a matter^ 
Avhich so nearly concerned the peace, welfare and 
lives of many of theji* firm adherents:" About the 
same time a military association was formed for the 
pur|)ose of opposing the authority of Vermont. 

3. In c<)nsrqu;;nce of representing that they had a 
regiment of 5G0 men, and of making some other false 
assertions, several conunissif)ns had been o!)tained 
from Governor Clinton ; and the government of Ver- 
mont, therefore, found it necessary to take measiu't^s to 
put a stop to these mililary movements. Ethan Allen 
was accordingly ordered by the governor to call out 
the militia for that pnrj)0se. V/Iien the adheients ©f 
New York v.'f>re informed of tljese transactions on 
the part ofVrrinont, Col Fatti-r.-on, who held a com- 
mission in the county of Cumberland Under the au- 
thority of New York, wrote to Governor Clinton, May 
5th, for directions how to proceed, and suggesting the 
necessity of sending the militia of Albany county to 
his assistajice. This letter and the foregoing petition 
were answ^-red hy the governor with assurances of 
protection ; and he reconun 'nded tliat the antli<nity 
of Vermont should not be acknowledged, except in 
the alternative of submission or inevitaiile ru.in. 

4. On th ^ 18th of 3iay, Governor Clinton wrote to 
the president of Congress, " that matters were fast 
approaching to a very serioiis crisis, which nothing 
but the imujediate interposition of Congress could 
])ossibly ])rcvent ; that he daily expectetl he should 
be obliged to oriler out a force for the defence of 
those who adhered to New York ; that the wisdom 
of Congress v/ouki suggest to them, what would be 



PROCEEDINGS OF CO>"GRESS ON THE SUi?JKCT. 135 

ihc conscqiioncc of submitting the coiitroveiw, espe- 
cial!}' at tins jiuicturc, to the; decisioii of the sword ; 
but that justice, th':: fliilh of governuiont, the peace and 
safety of society would not {sei-niit tliein to coniinue any 
longer passive spectators of the violence comriiitted 
on their fellow citizens." This letter and sundry oth- 
er ])apers relating to the dispnies, Vv^ere laid before 
Congress on the 29ih of May, J 779, and were referred 
to a conjuiittee of the whole; and on the 1st day of 
Jiuie, Congress resolved "that a conniiittce be ap- 
])ointcd to rej)air to the inhabitants of a certain dis- 
trict, known by the name of the New Han]j)shire 
grants, and enquire into the reasons why they refuse 
to continue citizens of the respective states, which 
have claimed jurisdiction over the said district. 
And that tliey take every prudent measure to p)*omote 
an amicable settlement; and to prevent divisions and 
animosities, so prejudicial to the United States". 

5. While Congress was engaged in passing these 
resolutions, Allen marched with an armed force and 
made prisoners of the Colonel and other officers who 
were acting under the authority of New York. Com- 
plaint was immediately made to Governor Chnton, 
with an earnest request that he would take speedy 
measures for their riilief. Governor Clinton wrote 
again to Congress on the^7th of June stating what 
had taken place, disap])roving of the resohuions of 
Congress befoi'e mentioned, and reque?ting that the 
couunittee, appointed to rei)air to the New Hamp- 
shire grants, njight postpone their visit till after the 
next meeting of the New York Legislature. June 
16th, Congress resolved that the officers captured by 
Allen should be liberated, and that the comniittee 
abov^e mentioned be directed to iuquirejinto tije cir- 
ciunstances of that transaction. 

6. Of the five commissioners" a])pointed to repair 
to Vermont two only attended — Dr Withers])oon 
andl^Ir Atlee. These gentlemen i-e paired to Ben- 
nington in June, had several conferences with the 



136 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

friends of Vermont, and, also, with others, who were 
in tlif^ interest of New Yoik. It seetiis to have been 
the aim of these coiimiissioners to effect a reconcil- 
iation between the parties ; but it appears from the 
report, which they made to Congress on the 13th of 
July, that the}? did not succeed in accomplishing the 
ohject of their mission. Four parties were now 
claiming the same tract of country, and each of these 
parties had applied to Congress for a decision of the 
controyersy. Under such circumstances Congress 
could not well avoid taking up the matter and among 
others, on the 24th of September, 1779, passed several 
resolutions, the substance of which was as follows ; 

7. Resolved that it be earnestly reconnnended, that 
New Hampshire, Massachusetts and New York ex- 
pressly authorize Congress to determine their disputes 
relative to their respective boundaries — anfl that on 
the first of February next, Congress will proceed to 
settle and determine the same, according to equity. 
It was, moreover, declared to be the (hity of those in- 
ha!)itants of the New Hampshire grants, who did not 
acknowledge the jurisdiction of either of the above 
named states, to refrain from 'exercising any power 
over such of the inhabitants as did acknowledge such 
jurisdiction, and it was likewise recommended to 
the said states to refrain, in the mean time, from exe- 
cuting their laws over such inhabitants as did not 
acknowledge their respective jm-isdictions. 

8. From the whole tenor of tliese resolutions, it 
was evident that Congress wished for the present to 
pacify the parties, without coming to any decision 
ui)on the matter in dis|)ute ; and it was equally evi- 
dent that she would ])refer sacrificing Vermont as a 
separate jurisdiction, to a rupture at this time with 
either of die states, wliicii laid claim to that territor\\ 
Nor shall wo be sup})rised at this p;n-tlal and evasive 
policy, when we consider that die successful termina- 
tion of the war for independence, which was then 
imdecided, and the fate of the colonies generally de- 



VERMONT APPEALS TO THE WORLD. 137 

pended upon the integrity of their union in the com- 
mon cause. 

9. Those resoUitions socin to have quieted all 
parties but Vermont. New Ilanip.^hire and New 
York coni))lied with the reconiuieiidationKS and au- 
thorized Congress to settle the dispute. Massachu- 
setts dill not comply, and slie prohably neglected it 
for the ))urj)ose of relieving Congress from the ne- 
cessity of deciding l!ie matter at the time aj)])ointed 
and of preventing the sacrifice of Vermont. A com- 
pliance with these resolutions on the part of Vermont, 
would have been to admit the existence of four sepa- 
rate jurisdictions at the same time in the same terri- 
tory, and in a t(n-ritory too, the inhabitants of which 
had declared th!>ms( Ives to l)e free and independent, 
and had assumed the powers of government and ex- 
ercised them in all cases and in every part of the 
territory. No alternative therefore remained to Ver- 
mont. She had taken a decisive stand — declared her 
independence— /orme<i a constitution — enacted laws, 
and established courts of justice, and now nothing 
remained for her but to go onward with fimness and 
resolution ; and ha|)py was it for her that she possess- 
ed statesmen endowed with courage and abilities 
suited to the emergency of her condition ; statesmen 
who well understood the rights and interests of the 
community and were determined that they should not 
be sacj-ificed by tiie neighboring states, or by the poli- 
cy of Congress. 

10. On the lOih day of December, 1779, the gov- 
ernor and council of Vermont, in reference 1o the 
foregoing resolutions of Congress, pul)!ished an ap- 
peal to the candid and irnj)artial world, in which 
they declared that tliey could not view themselves as 
holden, eidier in the sight of God, or man, to sub- 
mit to the execution of a ])lan, which they had reason 
to believe was commeiK'ed by neighboring states; 
that tlie liberties and privileges of the state of Ver- 
mont, by said resolutions are to be suspended upon 



138 HISTORY OF VERMONT 

the arbitrament and final determination of Congress, 
when, in their opinion, they were things too sacred 
ever to be arbitrated U|)on at all ; and what they 
were bound to defend at every risk : that Con- 
gress had no right to intermeddle in the internal 
policy and government of Vermont; — that the state 
existed independent of any of the thirteen United 
States, and was not accountable to them, or to tlieir 
representatives, for liberty, the gift of the benevolent 
Creator ; — 

11. That the state of Vermont was not represented 
in Congress, and could not submit to resolutions 
passed without their consent, or even knowledge, 
and which put every thing which was valuable to 
them at stake ; — that there appeared a manifest in- 
equality, not to say predetcvniination, that Congress 
should request of their constituents power to judge 
and determine in the cause, and never ask the con- 
sent of the thousands whose all was ai stake. They 
also declared that they were, and ever had been, 
ready to bear tJieir j)roportion of the burden and ex- 
pense of the war with Great Britain from its com- 
mencement, whenever they were admitted into the 
union with the other states. But they were not so 
lost to all sense, and honor, that, after lour years of war 
with Britain, in which tli' y had ex])ended so nnich 
blood and treasure, they sliould now give up every 
thing worth figiiting lor, — the right of making their 
own laws, and choosing their own foi-m of govern- 
ment, — to the arbitrament and determination of any 
man, or body of men, under heaven." 

12. Congress, as already noticed, had appointed 
the first day of February, 1780, lor considering and 
determining the matters in question; but contrary to 
the wishes and expectations of all the j)arties, the 
subject was not called up. Congress, however, or- 
dered, on the 21st of March, that, as there were not 
nine states represented in that body, exclusive of the 
parties concerned, the matter should be, for the pres 



REPLY OF VERMONT TO CONGRESS. 139 

ent, postponed, but on the 2cl of June, resumed the 
consideration ofi', and among other things resolved 
"that the proiM ('lings of the peo])le on the New 
Hampshire grants, were higlily unwarrantable and 
subversive of the peace'and welfare of the United 
States, and that thov iie strictly required to ahstain 
from all acts ot authority, civil or militar}^, over those 
inhal)itants who profess allegiance to other states." 
The suhject was again called up on the 9Th of .lune, 
and the further consideration of it postponed to the 
second Tuesday of Se()t(Mifher following. 

13. The foregoing resolutions and ])roceedings of 
Congress were coniinmiicated to Governor Chitten- 
den, who laid the same be lore his coun'_'il ; and on 
the 25th of July, they rei)lied, in a communication ad- 
dressed to the ])resi(ient of Congress, that " however 
Congre^^s may view those resolntions, they are consid- 
ered by the })eople of this state, as being in their na- 
ture, subversiveM)f the natui-al rights which they had to 
liberty and mde])endence, as well as incompatible 
with the princij)Ies on which Congress grounded 
their own right to independence, and had a natin-al 
and direct tendency to endanger the liberties of 
America; that Vermont, being a free and indepen- 
dent state, had denied the authority of Congress to 
judge o{ their jurisdiction ; — 

14. That as they were not included in the thirteen 
United States, if necessitated to it, they were at lib- 
erty to offer or accept t(^rms of cessation oi hostilities 
with Great Britain, without the ap})robation of any. 
other man, or body of men." And they further de- 
clared that if Congress and the neighboring states 
]:ersisted in the course they were pursuing, they 
cotdd have no motives to continue hostilities with 
Great Biitain, and maintain an important frontier for 
the benefit of a country which treated them as slaves. 
Yet, notwithstanding the injustice done them, they 
were induced, by their attachment to the cause of 
liberty, once more to offer union with the United 



140 HISTORY or VERMONT. 

States, of which Congress were the legal represen- 
tative body." 

15. All j)arties now anxiously a^^aited the decis- 
ion of Congretss on the second Tuesday of Septem- 
ber, and, although Vermont denied the authority of 
Congress to fletermine the matter, she jucigect it pru- 
dent to emj)loy Ira Alien and Stephen R. Bradley, 
as her agents, to attend the deliberations upon the 
subject. On the 19th of September', Congress took 
up the subject of the controversy and the agents 
from Vermont were permitted to be present, but 
not as the r;'i)resentalivos of any state, or of a ])eo- 
ple invested with legislative authority. New Hamp- 
shire and New York now in-ged, and ench-avored to 
prove, their re-spective claims to the disputed terri- 
tory, and it soon became evident to the agents that 
Congress did not regard Vermont as a party in the 
coiitroversy, buit that, in attsMupting to decide the 
disjjute between New Hampshire and New York, 
she was adjudicating upon the very existence of Ver 
mont without her consent. 

16. Alarmed and indignant at these proceedings, 
the agents withdrew their attendance, and on the 
22d of September, transuiisted a remonstrance to 
Congress, in which tlioy declare they can no longer 
sit as idle sp-ectators, without betraying the trust re- 
posed in them, and doing violence to their own feel- 
ings ; that by the mode of trial which was adopted, 
the state of Vermont could have no hearing without 
deny'jig her own existence, and that thei) would not 
take on themselv^es such Inunility and self abasement 
as to lose their political life in order to find it. They 
expressed the willing'iess of Vernjont to subniit the 
dispute to the raediarion and settlement of the legis- 
latui'os of disinterested states, but reprobated the idea 
that Congress could sit as a comt of judicature and 
determine the n.<atter by virtue of authority given 
them by one only of the parties. They conclude by 
observing, that, if the present policy be pursued by 



UNION. WITH PATIT OF N. 11. AND N. Y. 141 

Conuress, they are ready to appeal to God and the 
world, to say wlio must he accouiitahlo for the awful 
coi]sr<juencc that may ensue. 

17. On the27ih of Septemher, Congre:^s again re- 
sumed the puhjeet of the controversy, and, liaving 
heard the evidence on the part of New ilampshiie, 
resolved, that the further consideration of the matter 
be ])ostj)OMed ; and. this v/as doubtless the wisest 
course of jjolicy which Congre.-G could })in-sue under 
existing circumstances. The contest ^^\^h the moth- 
er countr}'^ was yet undecided, and its issue doubtful, 
and the grounds which the several parties in the 
dispute had assmned were such, that Congress could 
not hope to n)ake a deci:-ion, which would satisfy 
them all ; and to irritate eiiher of the states concern- 
ed, to such a degree as to drive thorn to an abandon- 
ment of the common cause, nfiglit paralyze the 
efforts of Congress and prevent the attaimnent of that 
liberty and independence for which they were strug- 
gling. 



E C T I O N 



Union of Vermont with apart of JYew Hampshire and 
a part ofJVeiv York in 1781 . 

1. The indefinite postponement of the decision of 
the controversy by Congress, as mentioned in the 
])reced!iig section, was by no means agreeable to Ver- 
mont. She well knew the ground on which she 
stood, and althougli this ])Ostj)ouement evinced that 
her claims to independence had made some impres- 
sion on the n)iiid of Congress, yet it ibrl)ade the hoj)e 
of an innn:*diate recognition of tliat ind('])^Midence, 
and her admission into the union. And, moreover, 
being irritated by the course |)ursned by ^-^ew Hamp- 
shire and New York, in substantiating their claims, 
and being wounded by the humihating treatment, 



149 HISTORY OF VERIMO.^T. 

which her agents had received from Conofress, Ver- 
mont now resolved upon a course of })olicy, vvhicli 
would enal)le her toa?;sume a more imposin«>atitude, 
and induce her ()j)])()nonts to yield to ])o\ver what had 
been so long denied to the claiujs of justice. 

2. Since the dissolution of the imion between Ver- 
mont and the sixteen towns from Ne\y Iiam]>shire, 
most of the inhahitants in the w^estern part of New 
Hampshire were still anxis us to be annexed to \ er- 
mont: there were however, some among- them who 
wished New Hnn)))shire to sustain her claim and ex- 
tend her juris<iiclion over the wljole of v ermont. 
To facilitate the accomplishment of the object last 
mentioned, a convention was proj)osed to be assem- 
bled at Charlestown, and letters w-ere sent by sever- 
al influential men, in the interest of New Hampshire, 
into the western towns inviting them to send rejjre- 
sentatives. Accordingly, representatives from forty 
tln-ee towns assembled at Charlestown on the IGth 
of Januarj^ 1781 ; l)ut, to the sur|)rise and disappoint- 
ment of those who had ])roposed the measure, a 
large majority of the convention were found to be 
0})posed to the jurisdiction of New Hampshire and 
in favor of a union with X ermont. ^ 

3. A committee was therelbre a)ij)ointed by the 
convention to confer with \ ern.'ont on the subject 
of the union. This committee, on the 10th day of 
February, informed the assembly of \'ermont, then 
sitting at Windsor, that " the convention of the New 
Hampshire towns, was desirous of being united with 
Vermont, in one separate independent government, 
upon such princi))les as should be mutually thought 
the most equitable and beneficial to the state." This 
a})plication was referred to a committee of the whole, 
on the report of which it was resolved, February 14th, 
that " in order to quiet the present disturbances 
on the two sides of Connecticut river^ and the better 
to enable the inhabitants to defend their frontier, the 
legislature of this state do lay a jwisdictional claim to 



SECOND UNION WITH N. HAMPSHIRE. 143 

all the lands east of Connectiout. river, north of Mas- 
sachnsetts, west of Mason's line and south of latitude 
45 degrees; hut that tliey will not for the time heing 
exercise said jurisdiction." 

4. The convention of the New Hampshire towns 
was at this time sitting at Cornish on the O|)j)osite 
side of the river, and, after repeated connnunications 
heetween the committee of this convention, and a 
committee of the Legislature of Vermont, the articles 
of union W(;re finaily agreed upon. By these articles 
it was vStipulated that the constitution of Vermont 
should he adopted by the New Hanipshire towns — 
that application should he made to Congress to be 
adnfitted as one of the United States — that full act of 
oblivion he passed for all former offenses against 
Vermont hy persons denyhig her jurisdiction — and 
that the towns in ^ ermont, and also the New Hamp- 
shire towns, should be called upon to express their 
Oj)inions of tlie proposed tniion ; and if, at the ad- 
journed session of the assembly, in April next, it 
should appear that two thirds of each were in favor of 
the measure the union should then be consunnnated, 
and representatives should be admitted to the assem- 
bly from the New Hanrpshire towns. These articles, 
agreed upon by the ccmnnttees, were confirmed by 
the assemi)iy, which j)le(lgpd the faith of the state 
tiiat the}' shoidd be held sacred. 

5. The assembly of v ermont met again at Windsor 
agreeable to adjournment, on the 4th of April, and 
the convention of the New Hani'pshire to\vi]s also 
re-assembled at Cornish. On the Sth ol* April, a 
connnittee of the convention informed the assembly 
that thirty five towns on tlie east side of Connecticut 
river had consented to the union, being all the towns 
from which returns had been received ; and that 
the way was now clear on their ])art for the union 
to take place. On examining the returns, which had 
been forwarded from the towns in V'ermont, it ap- 
peared that thirty six were in favor and seven oppos- 



144 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

ed to the union ; whereupon a committee was ap- 
pointed to inform the convention that a major part 
of the towns in \'ermont had agreed to the union, 
and that the assembly wonid receive the members 
returned from tbe New Hampshire towns, on the 
mojTOW, at niuB o'clock in ihe morning. Accordinfj^ly, 
on the next day, thirty five representatives from towns 
on the east side of Connecticut river, took their seats 
in the General Assembly of Vermont. 

6. On account of the unjustifiable measures, by 
which New York w^as endeavoring to embarrass and 
overturn the government of Vermont, and in conse- 
quence of re])eated solicitations from several towns 
in New York, wbich liordered on Vermont, to be 
taken into union with this state, the Legislature of 
Vermont bad, on the 14ih of February, 178J, laid juris- 
dictional claim to all tbe lands west of her i>resent 
territory, and east of Hudson river to the head there- 
of, and thence east of a nortb line extending to the 
45th degree of north latitude ; witb the proviso, that 
this jurisdiction sbonld not be exercised for the time 
being. But Vermont, having now comj)leted her 
eastern union, once more turned her attention to that 
on the west. On tbe 11th of Aj)ril, 1781, a commit- 
tee was appointed by the general assembly to attend 
a convention of delegates from the towns in New 
Yoi'k, which desired a union with Vermont, and 
make the necessary arrangement for effecting it. This 
conv^ention met at Cambridge, and on the 15th of 
May, tjje articles of union were agreed to by the 
committee from \ ermont and the delegates from 
twelve districts in New York ; and on the Kith of 
June following, they were confirmed by the Legis- 
lature of Vermont, and representatives from those 
districts were admitted to seats in the general assem- 
bly. 

7. By these ! old aiid decisive measun^s, Vermont 
placed herself in an interesting attitude, and evinced 
to the world the abilities and the peculiar genius, of 



NEGOTIATION WITH CANADA. 145 

her statesmen. Than the racii.;.i;c3 whirli \vc have 
just recorded, no course of policy couhl be better 
cah^ulatcd to enable her to sustain her ind.'pciujence 
and thwart the desii^tis of her eneinies. By the un- 
ions, thus formed, she had doubled the extent of 
territory within hnv jurisdiction and ad;led greatly to 
her numbers and resources. She had quieted the 
disaffection of her people at home, and restored con- 
fidence to her friends abroad. She had placed the 
territory in a condition to invite emigration from the 
neighi)ortng states, and had laid the foundation for a 
hirge and powerful community. In short she had 
placed herself in a condition to command theresj)ect, 
evenof hor enemies, and to draw from them, conces- 
sions which justice alone had sought in vain. She 
therefore wisely determined, so to manage her own 
affinrs, as to secure her own safety and independence, 
agriinst the arms of the British on he north, and the 
wiles of her enemies in other quarters. The man- 
ner in which this was effected will be related in the 
following section, 



SECTION YI. 



JVegotiation with the British in Canada from 1780, to 
1783. 

1. From the commencement of hostilities at Lex- 
ington, no people in America had espoused the cause 
of liberty and of their country with greater alacrity, 
or sustained it with more spirit and resolution, than 
the ])eo|)Ie of \ ermont. Yet, after fdl their efforts 
and sacrifices in the common cause, they liad the 
mortification to find themselves denijMl a just j);n-tici- 
patiou of the blessings which they had labored to 
secure. Their claims to indepcjidenee wc^re not 
acknowledged by Congress ; the diymem!)erment of 
their territory and the annihilation of their sovereign- 
ty were threatened by the intrigues, and the unjust 
lo 



146 HISTORY or VERMONT. 

claims of the neighboring states, and, to crown the 
whole, they were now ahanrioiied by the power which 
ought to protect them, and lelt to contend single 
handed with the common enemy. 

2. But notwithstanding their attachment to the 
cause of their country, the people of Vermont could 
not fail to perceive that every step which they took 
to support it, only rendered their own condition more 
hopeless. They could hardly wish to lend their aid 
for the purpose of bringing the struggle with a for- 
eign enemy to a successful termination, \\ hen they 
perceived that, by such an event, they should be sub- 
jected to the domination of a more detesia!)le enemy 
at home. In this state of things, Vermont wisely 
consulted her own safety; and by the negotiation 
with the enemj' in Canada, in which she now enga- 
ged, she was as fortunate as to secure it. 

3. The British generals in America had for some 
time entertained hopes of turning the disputes in re- 
lation to Vermont to their own account, by detaching 
that district from the American c<iuse and making it 
a British province. But the lirst intimation of their 
views and wishes was conjmunicated in a letter from 
Colonel Beverly Robinson to Ethan Allen ; dated New 
York, March 30th, 1780. In July, this letter ^^as de- 
livered to Allen in the street in Arlington, i)y a British 
soldier in the habit of an American farmer. Allen 
perused the letter, and then told the bearer that he 
should consider it, and that he might return. 

4. Colonel Robinson began his letter by expressing 
a wish that his proposals might be received with the 
same good intention with which they were niade. 
He then proceeds : — "• I have often been informed 
that you and most of the inhalntants of Vermont, are 
opposed to the wild and chimerical scheme of the 
Americans in attempting to separate fronj Great Brit- 
ain and establish an indej)endent govermnent of their 
own ; and that you would willingly assist in uniting 
America to Great Britain, and in restoring that happy 



COL Robinson's letter to e. allbn. 147 

constitution so wantonly and unadvisedly destroyed. 
It'l have been ri^^litly informed, and these should be 
your senlinients and inclination, 1 beg that you will 
communicate to me without reserve, whatever pro- 
posals 3^ou would wish to make to the commander- 
in-chief"; and I hcreb}^ ])romise that I will faithfully 
lay them before him according to your directions, 
and flatter myself I can do with as good effect as any 
person whatever. I can make no jiroposals to you 
imtil I know your sentiments; but think, upon your 
taking an active part and embodying the inhabitants 
of Vermont, under tlie crown of England, you may 
obtain a separate government under the king. — If you 
should tliink proper to send a friend here with pro- 
})osa]s to the general, he shall be ])rotected and allow- 
ed to return whenever he pleases." 

5. Allen immediately communicated the contents 
of this letter to Governor Chit'enden and some other 
confidential friends, who agreed in opinion, that no 
answer should be returned. Robinson, not receiving 
a reply to his letter and s!!j)posing it to have been mis- 
carried, wrote again to Allen on the 2d of February, 
1781, enclosinw' his former letter. In his second let- 
ter, after saying he had received new assurances of 
the inclination of \ ermont to join the king's cause, he 
said that he could then write with more authority; 
and assured Allen that he and the people of Vermont 
could obtain the most favorable terms, provided they 
woukl take a decisive and active part in favor of Great 
Britain. He requested an answer ; and, that the way 
might be pointed out for continuing the correspond- 
ence ; and desired to be informed in what manner the 
people of Vermont could be most serviceable to the 
British cause. 

6. Allen returned no answer to either of these let- 
ters; but, on the 9th of March, 1781, inclosed them in 
a lett 'r to Congress, informing them of all the circum- 
stances, which had thus far attended the business. He 
then proceeded to justify the conduct •f Vermont in 



148 HISTORY or VKRMONT. 

assorting her liglit to independence, and expressed 
Lis dcteiininate rc-oiutiou to do every lliing in his 
power to establish it. Conscious ol' his own integ- 
rity, and sensildc that his activity and snlferings in 
tlic cause of his country were well known throughout 
America, he expressed himself in the following inde- 
pendent and decided language. 

7. " I am confident," said he, "that Congress will 
not dispute my sincere {tttachment to the cause of 
my country, though J (!o not hesitate to say, 1 am ful'y 
gnjunded in opinion, that Vermont has an indulntahie 
riglit to agree on terms of a cessation of hostilities 
witli Great Britain, provided the United States persist 
in rejecting her a]iplication for an union witli them. 
For Vermont would he, of all ])eople, most njiserable, 
were she obliged to defend the indt i)endence of the 
United '^•hmning States, and they he, at the same 
time, at full liberty to overturn and ruin the indepen- 
dence of Vermont. When Congress consider the 
circumstances of this state, they will, I am ])ersua- 
ded, he more surprised that I have transmitted them 
the inclosed letters, than that I have kept them in cus- 
tody so long; fori am as resolutely determined to 
defend the indc])eiidence of Vermont, as Congress 
is that of the United States ; and rather than fail, / 
will retire wilh the hardy Green Mountain Boys, into 
the desolate caveyms of the Mountains, and ivage war 
ivith human nature at largeP 

8. During the sp,ring of 17S0, sonie of the scout- 
ing imrties, belonging to Vermont, had been taken 
])y the Briiish and carried ])risoners to Canachi. On 
the ap]>lication of their friends to Governor Chitten- 
den, he, in the month of Julj^, sent a flag, with a 
letter to the commanding officer in Canada, request- 
ing their release or exchange. In the fall, the Britr 
ish canie up lake Champlain in grc^at force, and a 
ver}' fiivora'.de answer wiis returned by Gi.'uera! Hal- 
diiiiand to Goveriicr Cliirtciiden's letter. A flag was 
at the same time sent to Ethan Allen, then a hriga- 



NEGOTIATION WITH CANADA. 149 

(lier goneial and commaiKling officer in Vermont, 
])ro})osiiig a cessarion of Ijostilities witli Vermont, 
(luring negotiations for the exchange of prisoners. 
This jn-oposal was accepted by Allen, on condition 
tliat the adjacent frontier of New York should be 
included with Vermont. The British officer at first 
objected, but finally a.greed to every thing which Al- 
len i)roposed. 

9. Tlie governor appointed Colonel Ira Allen and 
Major J(tsei>h Fay, connnissioiiers on the part of Ver- 
mont, to negotiate the proposed exhcange of })rison- 
ors ; who, soon after, had an interview with Captain 
J. Sherwood and George Smith, agents on the part 
of the Hritis/j. During this interview, tlie British 
agents avail^^d thi?mselves of the opportunity to ex- 
plain their views, and to make proposals for the es- 
tablishment of Vermont imder the royal autlioriiy. 
The commissioners from Vermont received these 
})roposals with some attention ; and, although they 
avoided expressing a decided opinion on tlie subject, 
the British flattered themselves that they were in a 
fair way to eflect their purposes. 

10. The next year the British entered upon the 
business with high expectations of success ; and as 
the British army in Canada was 10,000 strong, and 
tjje frontiers of \ ermont without any adequate 
means of defence, it was evidently the interest of 
^ ermont not to undeceive thejn, but to endeavor to 
effect that by policy, which they could not do by 
povv'er. Anti as the cabinet council of Vermont be- 
lieved, that the forces of the United States had been 
vviih(hawn from her territory, for the purpose of 
driving them to seek the protection of New York, 
they felt that it was clearly their duty, by managing 
the British attemi)ts to corrupt them to their own 
advantage, to make the best ]>rovision, remaining in 
their power, for the safety of the people. 

11. In April, 1781, Col Ira Allen was appointed to 
settle a cartel with the British for an exchange of 

13^ 



150 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

prisoners. Taking \Yitli iiiai one subaltern, two ser- 
geants, and sixteen privates, he started, with a fair 
wind, on the 1st day of iilay, an(i soon arrived at the 
Isle Anx Noix, where he was politely received by 
Maj. Dundas, the Britisli connnander at that ])ost. 
The cartel was soon agreed to, and the British agents, 
Sherwood and Smith, noAV entered npon the sub- 
ject of the armistice and the establishment of the 
ix)y a I authority in \ ermont with high hopes ofac- 
com])!ishing their o!)jcct. Allen acknowledged that 
the ])sop]e of Vermont were growing remiss in the 
pro.-(;c!iiion of the war, being alraid that its termina- 
tion in favor of America, woiild suliject them to the 
government of New York, which -they considered 
the most detestable in the known '.vorld ; and that, 
to such an event, they wouitl prefer to become a 
sopnii'.te colony imder tiie crowi>, and that the Uni- 
ted Slates shouki be again brought under the domin- 
ion of ^'ue British government. 

12. 'Ilie Bj'itish agents i>ave assurance on their 
part, that Vermont could become a royal colony 
with |)rivileges equal to those enjoyed by any 
other colony ; and that they who assisted in ac- 
complishing such an object, would be suitably hon- 
ored an<i rewarded. With such consunnnate skill 
did Allen manage this negotiation on the ])art of 
Vermont, that without committing himself, he com- 
pletely aiiected his own views; and by leading the 
British agents to an agreement that hostilities should 
not be commenced against Vermont, till afler the 
next session of the assembly, he succeeded in keeping 
an nnny of lOOCO of the enetny inactive upon the 
frontieis. This business was accomplished after a 
conference of 17 day/-, and the commissioners par- 
ted in high friendship ; Allen and his suite being 
furnishr'fl by Maj. Dundas with ample stores for 
their return home. On his way Allen encouraged the 
settlers, who ^vere abandoiiing the country, to re- 
niaiu peaceably upon their farms, and trust to the 



IRA Allen's mission to Canada. ]51 

governor and council to provide tlio means for their 
detence ; and lie assured then:, that, if a removal be- 
came necessary for the safety of their families, they 
should have timely notice, and assistance in accom- 
plishing it. 

13. It ^vas generally known that Coloriel Ira Allen 
had been sent to the enemy in Canada under a com- 
mission from the Governor of Vermont, but the pre- 
cise,object and extent of tlie negotiations, were known 
only to eight individuals, viz. Thon.ias Chittenden, 
Moses Robinson, Samuel Saiford, Ethan Alk'n, Ira 
Allen, Timothy l*rovvnson, John Fassett, and Joseph 
Fay. And wiien it was unilerstood that Colonel Al- 
len was to report the residt of his mission at the 
meeting of the Legislature at Bennington, in June, 
ciu'iosity and a desire to know the true state of aifairs, 
drew together a large number of spectators from Ver- 
mont, the neighboring states, and Canada. The whigs 
in \ ermont and the adjourning states were jealous 
that the views of the cabinet council of Vermont ex- 
tended to something farther than an exchange of ])ris- 
oners ; tliey therefore sent their agents to watch 
the Legislature and to discover whether this inter- 
course tended to any thing treasonable on the j>art of 
\ ermont, or injurious to the American cause. Vv bile, 
on the otiier hand, cmisr^aries were sent from Canada 
to see H'hetlier Colonel Allien reported any thing con- 
trary to the views, interchanged between him and the 
British agents at the Isie Aux Noix, with regard to 
the establishment of Vermont as a British province. 

14. x\ few days after the connnencement of the 
session, t'le two Jiouses met in j( in' committee on the 
subject of Colonel Allen's njission to Canada. Gov- 
ernor Chittenden arose and stated, that Colonel Al- 
len had been sent to Canada to obrain the release, or 
exchange, of sundry persons belonging to this state, 
who weie ])risonei's in t!:e liaiuis of the enenjy, and 
that, with mu(di difficulty, he had completed the busi- 
ness in behalf of V^ ermont, tJiough no such exchange 



152 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

had taken place with the United States, nor with 
any other individual stat<\ He then informed the 
committee that Colonel Allen was then present, and 
that, if fmther information was wanted, he could 
best give it. Colonel Allen then arose and, after re- 
capitulating suhstantially what the governor had sea- 
ted, informed tjie committee that his commission and 
papers had been left at home, but that the;/ should 
be submittcfl to their inspection the next day. 

15. Accordingly, on the next day, he attended with 
the papers, which, after a short verbal explanation, 
were read. From these it api)eared that the British 
had shown great generosity in the exchange of |)ris- 
oners, but they contained nothing respt^cting an ar- 
mistice, or the establishment of a I'oyal government in 
'\'ermont ; the negotiations on the two latter subjects 
having been ])nrposeiy conducted on the part of V^er- 
iTiont by means of verbal corres|)ondence. Colonel 
Allen than rose and stated, that if any member of the 
connuittee, or auditor among the spectators, wished 
any fm'ther information respecting the business, he 
was ready to answer their questions. All seemed 
satisfied. The friends of the United States compli- 
mented Allen for his open and candid conduct and 
the spectators from Canada returned fnlly satisfied 
that nt)thing had trans[)ired inconsistent with their 
view^s und designs. 

16. At this session of the Legislature Major Joseph 
Fay was appointed " commissioner of prisoners," and 
in July, he went on board the Royal George on lake 
Cliampiain, and obtained the exchange and a further 
extension of the armistice. About this time a corres- 
pondence was carried on between Ethan and Ira Al- 
len on one ])art and the British on the other, by means 
of a British guard of a sergeant and eight tnen. ^I'his 
guard conveyed the communications from the British 
officers to Sunderland, where they were received by 
one of the Aliens personally iu the dusk of the eve- 
ning, who, the next evening, returned an answer. 



LORD Germain's letter to sir it. clinton. 153 

which was conveyed by them to lake Cliamplain. 
Aiu! it is worthy of remark, tJiat coiuinunicatioiis were 
frecnieiitly inrcrcJiaiig'Ml in this luaniier, during the 
years 1781, and 178'2, without discovery, notwithstand- 
ing Sunderland was more than GO miles trouj the fron- 
tier. 

17. While this friendly intercourse was tlius main- 
tained between the British and a few of the leading 
men in \'ermont, the people generally were very 
inveterate in their liatrcd towards the British and to- 
nes. A person in Arlington, being supposed to en- 
tertain friendly feelings towards the BritisI), a party 
collected in Manchester and were jsroceeding to tear 
down his hous(\ In Sunderland tJiey were met by 
the Messrs Brownsonsand Ira Allen wlio, with much 
difficulty persuaded them to return. That very night 
Colonel Allen received a packet from a British guard 
upon the same ground where this party were per- 
suaded to go back, and returned an answ er the next 
eveiiing. 

18. Jonas Fay, Bezalcel Woodward, and Ira Allen 
were appointe<l agents to Congress by the Legisla- 
ture at their session in June. About the time of their 
arrival at Philadtdphia, a letter fi'om Lord Germain to 
Sir Henry Clinton, commander of the British forces 
in Ameri'-a, and which had l)een intercepted by the 
French, was published in the Peiinsylvania Packet. 
It was dated Whitehall, February 7lh, 1781, and 
among other things co'irained the following para- 
graph. "The returii of the people of Vermont to 
their allegiance, is an event of the utmost importance 
to the king's affairs; and at this time, if the French 
and Washi]igton realy meditate an irruption ii^to 
Canada, may be considered as opposing an insur- 
mountable bar to the atten)j)t. General Haldimand, 
who has the same instructions with you, to draw 
over those peojde and give them suj)i)ort, will, I 
doubt not, ])ush up a body of troops, to act in con- 
junction with them and secure all the avenues 



154 mSTORT OF VERMONT. 

tlirough their country into Canada ; and, when the 
season adniits, Take possession of the upper parts of 
the Hudson and Coniieeticut rivers, and cut off the 
communication between Al'oany and the Moliawk 
country. How far they may be able to extend 
themselves southward, or eastward, must de])end on 
their numbers and the disposition of the inhabi- 
tants" 

19. The information contained in this letter was 
calculated to confirm the susj)icions which the 
friends of American liberty had entertained with re- 
gard to the rx^gotiations between v ermont and the 
British, and did more towards disposing Congress to 
recognize the independence of Vermont and to gain 
her an admission into the union, than all her sacrifi- 
ces and services in maintaining the war. This letter 
also shows that not only the British generals in 
America were deceiving themselves with the idea 
that Vermont was about to return to her allegeance 
to the king, but that the British ministry were also 
deceived ; and supposed that the people of Vermont 
were generally desirous that their state should be 
made a British province, when perhaps not more 
than a dozen individuals within the state had ever 
thought or sj)oke of such an event; and these had 
only countenanced the idea of it, when urged to 
such a measure by the British agents, and then only 
for the purpose of kee))ing the northern British army 
inactive upon their fjontiers and affording the peo- 
ple protection by their management when they could 
not do it by force. 

20. In September, 1781, Colonel Allen and Major 
Fay, had another interview Vv^ith the Biitish agents, 
at which a plan of govermnent for the colony of 
Vermont was discussed and agreed upon by the par- 
ties. It was to consist of a governor, appointed by 
the king, but who should be a citizen of Vermont ; 
a lieutenant governor and 12 councillors, who should 
be chosen by the people; and ahouse of representa- 



ARRAJN^GEMENTS WITH BRITISH AGENTS. 155 

tives, tlie mcmhers to be choson by the respective 
towns. The British n^v^nts then iiisistPfl tluit Ver- 
iriont shodM jmme(hate!y declare herself a British 
province. The ■- erniont commissioners re])resented 
that matters were not yet snffi(;iently matured for 
such a declaration — that the inhabitants in some 
parts of the territory were not yet sufficiently 
brought over to tiie British interest?, and, until that 
was effected, and means j)rovided for the ])ur})ose,it 
would he extremely difficult to defend their exten- 
sive frontiers against the Ujiited States. 

21. The British agents yielded this poh)t with re- 
luctance ; but suggested another pro|)Osition, which 
they said must he complied w h, or 'he armistice 
must be ended, whicli was, that a proclamation shotdd 
be issued by the British general in Octol)er, during 
the session of the Vermont Legislature, declaring 
Vermont a colony under the crown, and confirming 
the plan of government which they had agreed on ; 
and that the Legisiatin'e of Vermont must accept 
the same, and take suitabhi measures for carrying it 
into effect. After some farther discussion, the \ er- 
mont conunissioners judged it better to acceed to this 
unpleasant proposition, than that the armistice shouht 
be discontinued in the present defenceless state of 
the frontiers ; after which, the con^missioners and 
agents separated on friendly terms. 

22. The Legislature of Venr.ioiit met at Charles- 
town early in Octol)er, and aliotit the same time 
Gen. St Leger ascended lake Cham})lain with a pow- 
erful British arsny q,nd landed at Ticonderoga. The 
^'ermont trooj)s were then at Castleton, under the 
command of Gen. Enos. Gen. Enos and Colonels 
Fletcher and Walbridge were now well acquainted 
with the negotiation with the British, but the anny 
and the inhabitants of the country knew nothing of 
it; and hence it was necessary to keep up a|)pear- 
ances by frequently sending out scouts to observe 
the movements of he enemy. One of these scouts, 
cominanded by Sergeant Tupper, fell in with a 



15G HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

party of the British and some shots were exchanged. 
Tiipj)er was killed on the spot, and his men retreat- 
ed. Gen. St Leger ordered Tiippcr's hody to be 
decently bnried, and sent his clothing- with an open 
letter to Gen. Enos, in which he expressed his re- 
gret for the death of the sergeant. This communi- 
cation and the apparel were ])ublicly delivered to 
Gen. Enos, and were the occasion of niuch nmr- 
mnring among the troops. 

23. Letters were immediately written by General 
Enos and Colonels Fletcher and Walbridge, and for- 
warded Iw ex|)ress to Governor Chittenden at Charles- 
town. The bearer, IMr Hathaway, not being in the 
secret of the negotiation with the British, j)roclaimed 
the extraordinary message of General St Leger in the 
streets of Charlestown, in consequence of which the 
])ecple followed him in crowds to the governor's 
apartment to hear the news. In the room with the 
governor were several persons, some of whom were 
in the secret, and some, who were eager after infor- 
mation that they might make an ill use of it. On 
opening the letters, they w^re found, besides an- 
nouncing the arrival of Gciieral St Leger, to contain 
information resi)e(;ting the negotiation which it was 
not deemed prudent to make pul.>lie. 

24. While these letters were ]iassing round among 
those who were in the secr(?t, Majoi- Runnels entered 
the room and demanded of Colonel Allen why Gen- 
eral St Leger should be sorry Topper was killed. 
Allen said he' would not ell. Runnels repeated the 
questioji ; and Allen repli'd that good men were sor- 
ry when good men were killed, which might be the 
case with St Leger. This answer enraged Rmniels, 
and he again loudly demanded what reasons could 
possibly induce a British general to be sorry when his 
enemy was killed and to send his clothes to his wid- 
ow. Colonel Allen then rcfiucsted Major Runnels to 
go to his-regiment, and, at the head of that, demand of 
St Leger the reasons of his sorrows ; and not stay 



NEGOTIATION WITH CANADA. 157 

there asking impertiiuMit qnnstions and eating up the 
country's provisions, when the iVonticrs were inv;uk)(l. 
Some high words followed between tliern, wliicli 
called the attention of tliose present from the letters, 
and Runnels soon after left the room. 

25. The governor then convened the hoard of war, 
all of whom were in the vsecret, and Hathaway was 
left to detail the news to the populace. New letters 
wer(! then i^.iade out from those received, in which 
every thing relating to the negotiation and armistice 
was sui)pressed. These were substituted for the 
original, and were ])ublicly read before the council 
and assembly for the satisfaction of the people. In 
the mean time Colonel Allen and Major Fay, wrote 
to the British agents that matters were going on fa- 
vora!)]y to their designs, hut as a report prevailed, 
that Cornwallis and his army had surrendered to the 
Americans, which was doubtless unfounded, they 
thought it inexpedient to publish the proposed proc- 
lamation till more favorable news should remove all 
doubts with regard to the ability of the British to 
sustain Vermont in the measures which she should 
adoj)t. 

26. About an hour after this communication was 
delivered at Ticonderoga, an express arrived there 
from the south, with the news of the ca])tuie of 
Cornwallis and his whole arm}', and before night 
the Britisli embarked all their troops and stores, and 
returned to Canada. Thus were the negotiators in 
Vermont relieved from their etiibarrasment and dan- 
ger, which would have been mu(?h increased by the 
])ublication of the ])roposed proclamation ; and thus 
was terminated the campaign of 1781, in which a 
few sagacioiis and daring individuals, secured, by 
their negotiations and management, the extensive 
front-ier of Vermont, which was exposed to an army 
often thousand of the enemy. 

27. In the whiter of 1782, the British in Canada 
were extremely anxious to ascertain how the people 

14 



158 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

of Vermont were affected by the capture of Corn- 
wallis. Their agents wrote, on the 28th of Feb. and 
again on th:e 22*1 of x\j)ril, in the most pres.^ing terms for 
informuiion, and stating tliat the commander in chief 
had fidl powers to confirm every article which had 
been agreed ii|)on at a former interview for the es- 
tal)hshmeiit of Vermont as a royal government. Im- 
patient at not receiving an answei', they wrote again 
onthe80ih of April, making new offers and promises, 
and designath]g several individuals in Vermont for 
whom his excellency was authorized and disposed 
to provide in the distribution of the royal favors, and 
in several cases assured them what commissions 
they should receive. 

28. In July, Colonel Ira Allen was again sent to 
Canada with a letter from Governor Chittenden to 
General Hahlimand, requesting the release of two 
officers, belonging to Vermont, who were then pris- 
oners in the hands of the j'ritish. The British agents 
thought this a fivorable o])])ortunity lor bringing the 
negotiations with Vermont to a decision, and used 
evejy art to persuade Vermont imuiediatily to decla- 
re herself a British ])rovince. Allen employed every 
argument to justify Vermont for delaying ti, and to 
prevent the renewal of hostilities, llaldimand was 
finally prevailed upon to continue the armistice and 
to liberate the prisoners above mentioned. He then 
wrote to Governrr Chittenden, announcing his pa- 
cific dispositioji towards Vermont in the most une- 
quivocal terms, and requesting the people of 
Vermont, without ajjprehension, to encourage and 
promote the settlement and cultivation of the coun- 
try for the interest and happiness of themselves and 
their [)osterity. 

29. With this year terminated the war and the 
negotiations, leaving favorable im])ressions on the 
minds of the British towards Vermont. Of the ben- 
eficial effects of the poUcy pursued, to Vermont and 
to the union, there can be no doubt, but of the jus- 



DEPREDATIONS OF THE irCDIANS. ]59 

tlce of tliis course there may be some question. On 
the })art of the JJritish the ncgutiatiou consisted of 
repeatid endeavors to j)ersua(le tlie leading men in 
Vermont, to abandon the American cause and de- 
clare the state a jJriiish province. To -these, the 
leaders in Vtrmnnt rrinrnod evasive and ambiguous 
answers, calculated indeed to keej) alive the liopes of 
the IJritish, but not in any way to |)ledge the govern- 
ment of Vermont. The leading men in Vermont 
were known to be as firm friends of American inde- 
pendence, as any individuals on the continent ; but, 
abandoned as Vermont was by Congress, and ex])os- 
ed to the overwhelming force of the enem^y, no other 
means of security rensained but that artful policy, 
which we liave just described ; and which kept a 
powerful ])ritish army inactive on the northern 
frontier of the union durino- three successive cam- 
paigns. 



SECTION VII. 

Indian depredations upon the^ settlements in Vermont. 

1. Having now com])Ieted our account of the civil 
policy of Vei"mont during the war for indej>endence, 
excepting such jjarts as relate particularly to the 
admi.-sion of Vermont into the federal union and 
wliich are referred to the next cliaj)ter, we shall 
here give a brief account of the depredations of the 
Indians uj)on our settlements, and notice some other 
things which have been omitted in the preceding 
narrative. Previous to the conquest of Canada, in 
1760, the French and Engilsh nations were enga- 
ged in almost perpetual war, a!id in thesa wars their 
colonies and Indian allies were alwa3's involved. 
During their continuence the frontier English settle- 



1(^0 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

mcuts were freqiiciitl}^ broken up and the inhabitants 
eitlier massacred or (;ani<?d into ca|)tivit3'. Some 
account of these transactions in the vicinity of Ver- 
mont, has ah-eady been given in the first (diapter. 
But as very few setdements were made within our 
limits while Canada was in [)ossession of the 
French, the fii'st settlers of V^ermont snfFered less 
from the incursions of the Indians than those of 
some of the other states. 

2. We have already mentioned that the inhabitants 
of Vernon were attacked and several of them slain 
by the Indians, in 174G, and that Bridgeman's fort 
was taken and destroy<Hl by them the next year. 
This]tlace again received a hostile visit in 1755. On 
tlie 27th of July, of this year, Caleb llovve, Hilkiah 
Grout, and Benjamin Gaffield were way-laid and fired 
upon by a party of Inchans, as they were returning 
from their labor in the field. Howe was killed, 
Gaffield was drowned in attempting to ford the river 
and Grout escaped unhurt. The Indians then pro- 
ceeded to Bridgeman's fort, which had been re]>air- 
ed, where they made prisoners of the faujilies of these 
three men, consisting of their wives and eleven 
children, being all the ])ersons in the fort. These 
were all carried to Canada where they were doomed 
to suff(;r a long and cruel caj)tivity. IMost of them, 
liowever, were afterwards redeemed and returned to 
their friends. 

3. In 1756, as Ca})tain Melvin at the head of ai)ont 
20 men, was marching through the wilderness from 
Charlestown, New Hampshire, to Hoosuc fort, and 
wdien in the southerly ])art of New Fane, which was 
then uninhabited, he was fired upon by a large party 
of Indians, who were lying in ambush. A severe 
conflict ensued, in which both parties suffered con- 
siderably in killed and wounded. Melvin's party 
was at length overpowered by numbers and was obli- 
ged to leave the field in possession of the enemy. 
Melvin and several of his number made their escape 



DEPREDATIONS OF THE INDIANS. IGl 

and arrived safely at fort Dummcr. The next day 
he rotiinietl to the battle ^roinul, with a party from 
fort Diitmner. The Indians were not to he found, 
but tlie ho(hes of tiiose who were slain, were collec- 
ted and buried. 

4. At the time of the American revolution the 
number of Indians residing; in the vicinity of Ver- 
mont, was greatly diminished ; and as the Americans, 
at the conmienccmejit of that sirugi>lp, got possession 
of the military |)osts along lake Champlain, these 
few, had, for a while, no opj3ortunitj to molest our 
settlements. But when the American army retreat- 
ed from Canada in 1776, and the Biitish had attain- 
ed he command of lake Champlain, our western 
borders were wholiy at the mercy of the enemy, and 
continued so during the remainder of the war. All 
the settlements in the vicinity of the lake were bro- 
ken up, and the settlers retii'ed with their families 
to tlie southward. The frontier inihtary posts were 
at Castleton and Pittsford, on the west side of the 
mountains, and at Barnjird, Corinth, Newbury, and 
Peacham, on the east siile. 

5. During the last French war a military road had 
been opened from Charlestown to Crown Point, 
which was now very beneficial to the Americans, 
and early in the sjtring of 1776, General Bailey was 
ordered to open a road from Newbury, through the 
wilderness, to St Johns, for the ])urpose of facilitating 
the conveyance of troops and i)rovisions into Canada. 
He had opened the road six miles above Peacham, 
when the news arrived that our army had retreated 
from Canada, and the undertaking was abandoned. 
But in 1779, General Hazen was ordered to Peach- 
am with part of a regiment, for tlie ])urpose, as was 
said, of completing the road begun by Bailej^, so that 
an army might be sent through for the reduction of 
Canada. But this was probably only a feint for 
dividing the enemy and prev^enting them from send- 
ing their whole force up the lake. Hazen, however. 



162 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

contlniiefl the road fifty miles above Peacham, 
tlirough the towns of Cabor, Walden, Mardwick, 
Greoiisborough, Craftsl)iirv, Ali>aiiy and Lowel, and 
erected block houses at several places along the 
route. This was a great convenience to the settlers 
who came into these parts after the war, and is 
known at this day as the " Hazen Road.'" It termi- 
nated near a remarkable notch in the monntain in 
Weslfield, and which has since been called Hazen^s 
J\'otch. 

(i. During the continuance of the war, the frontier 
towns were frequently alarmed l\y the appearance of 
Indian scouting parties in ths^ir neighborhood, but the 
inhabitants were seldom niolested. Their dwellings 
were, however, occasionally plundered and some- 
times men were taken prisoners nud a few, at differ- 
ent times, were killed, but the women an(i children 
were not usually injured, and never massacred as in 
former wars. In 1777, the Indians killed two men in 
Brandon, took several of ihe inha!.>itants ])risoners and 
burnt their dwellings. On the 9th of August, 1780, 
they took tliree men in Barnard, whom they carried 
to Canada ; and in OctoliPr, of the same year, tliey 
made a successful expedition against Royalton, a thri- 
ving settlement on White river, which then consisted 
of about 300 inhabitants. 

7. This expedition was designed against Newbury 
on Connecticut river, fortlie o])jecr, as was supj)osed, 
of capturing a Lieutenant Whitcojub, who in July 
1776, while on a scout, had wanton!}' shot General 
Gordon, a Briiish officer, bet\veen Chamblee and St 
Johns, and robbed him of liis watch and sword. The 
British deei)Iy resented this attack as unworthy of an 
officer, and were desirous of getting Whitcomlj into 
then* power. Tiie party consisting of about 300 men, 
mostly Indians, was commanded by Horton^ a British 
Lieutenant. While proceeding up Winooski river, 
they fell in with several hunters, by whom they were 
told that the people of Newbury were expecting an 



BURNING OF ROYALTON. 163 

attack, and were well prepared for defence. This 
iiifonuation induced theiti to turn their attention to- 
>vards Royalton. 

8. They accordingly proceed(Ml uj) Stevens' and 
jail branch, and down thefirst branch of White river, 
to Tunbridge, where they lay in their encainpuient 
during the sabbath, and on Monday morning, it l)cing 
the l(Jth of October, they connnenced their depreda- 
tions, at the house of iNlr John Hutchinson who lived 
near the line between Tunbridge and Royalton. Af- 
ter making Mr Hufchinson and his brother Abijah, 
prisoners, they i)roceeded to the house of Mr Robert 
HavtMis, where they killed Thomas Pember and Elias 
Button. They then went to the house of Joseph 
Kneeland, took him and his father, and Simeon Belk- 
nap, Giles Gibbs and Jonathan Brown. Proceeding 
thence to the house of Mr Elias Curtis, they made 
him and John Kent and Peter Mason prisoners. 

9. Thus far the business was conducted with the 
greatest silence, and the prisoners were forbid making 
any outcry upon pain of death. They at length ar- 
rived at the mouth of the branch, where they made 
a stand, while small parties proceeded in different di- 
rections to plunder the dwellings and bring in prison- 
ers. By this time the alarm had become general, the 
inhabitants were flying for safety in everf direction 
and the savages filled the air with their horrid yells. 
One party extended its ravages uown the river mto 
Sharon, took two prisoners and bmnt several houses 
and barns. Another party proceeded up the river, 
made prisoner of David Waller, a young lad who 
lived with General Stevi>ns, plundered and set fire to 
the General's house, and tulvanced in that direction 
about three miles, killing the cattle, and plundering 
and setting fire to the buildings as tliey passed. 

10. After com{)leting their work of destruction, 
they returned with their booty to the place where 
they commenced their attack in the morning. From 
this place they proceeded across the liili to Randolph, 



164 BISTORT OF VERMONT. 

wliere they encamped for the night on the second 
branch of White river. In the course of the day 
they had killed two persons, taken 25 prisoners, burnt 
upwards of 20 houses, and about the same niunberof 
barns, and killed about 150 head of cattle, and all the 
sheep and hogs that fell in their way ; having suffered 
no loss themselves and scarcely met with any oppo- 
sition. " Su}>prised, affrighted, and scattered from 
one another, the inhabitants could take no steps for 
their defence; the alaim however soon spread, 
and a number of men immediately marched from 
Connecticut river, and the adjacent towns By eve- 
ning tliey amo\mted to several hundreds, and were 
collected at the place where the attack was first 
commenced. Here they organized themselves, and 
chose for their conunander a cai)tain John House, 
who had served several campaigns in tlie continenta 
army. 

12. Early in the evening, House began his march 
with this undisciplined but brave corps, in pursuit of 
the savages, who were at this time encamped seven 
or eiglit miles ahead. The night was dark and he 
was guided amidst the logs, rocks and hills with 
which thr^ wilderness abounded only l>y a few marked 
trees. When they supposed themselves near the In- 
dians, they proceeded with caution, but as they were 
passing over a stream which was crossed upon a 
Jarge log they were fired u[)on by the enemy's rear 
guard, which had been posted behind some trees 
near the ])lace and one man was wounded. House's 
party retm-ned the fire, killed one Indian and wound- 
ed two others. The guard then retreated to the In- 
dian camp and House advanced within about 300 
yards of the same where he waited till day light with- 
out commencing an attack. 

13. Fatigued by the business of the preceding day, 
and now suddenly awakened from j)rofoimd sleep, 
the savages were at first filled with consternation and 
thrown into the utmost disorder. They, however, 



ALARM IN WINDHAM COUNTY. 165 

soon recovered from tlieir friglit, and were not long in 
concerting measures for their own saftJty. They sent 
out an aged jjrisoner to inform the Americans, that, if 
they i)rocee(le(l to make an attack, thc^y should im- 
nie(hat('ly put jdl the |)iisoM(M's to death. The pro- 
ceedings thus far had caused two to he put to death ; 
one to retahate the death of tiie Indian, wiio had 
been slain and the other for reiiisiiigto march, in the 
cx})ectation that the Americans would n^lieve them. 
These were tomahawked asduy lay hound upon the 
ground. Having placed their wai'iiors in the rear to 
cover their retreat they silently left their eiicami)ment, 
proceeded to Randolph, where they took one prison- 
er, ]jassed through the west part of Brookfield, and, 
by the way of Winooski river and lake Champlain, to 
JMontrea!. 

14. House and his men were waiting for the dawn 
of day and deliberating upon the njessage brought 
them by the prisoner, till the Indians had departed 
and were far beyond their reach. They, however, 
folio wetl upon their trail as far as Brookfield and then 
returned, having lost the op|)ortunity of attacking the 
enemy by their caution and delay. On their way to 
Canada, the prisoners were well treated, and with 
resj)ect to j)ro\'isions, fared as well as tlieir masters. 
Of the twenty six who were carried away, one died 
in captivity, and the rest were liberated the next sum- 
mer and returned to their friends. 

15. A few days after the burning of Royalton there 
was one of the most extensive alarms in the County 
of Windham, experienced in Vermont during the 
war ; but it proved to be wholly groundless. It hap- 
j)ened, that as several men were surveying lands in 
Brookline, some of them undertook to imitate the In- 
dian war-hoop. In this they succeeded to admira- 
tion, and were heard ])y the inhabitants of Athens, 
who, supj)osing thfMn to be real Incfians, took fright, 
fled, -md rapidly spread the alarm ihrough the neigh- 
boring towns. Immediately all was terror and con- 



166 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

fusion. To their bewildered imagination eveiy noise 
became the yell cf the savage and every rock, and 
every tree of the forest, a hirking place for the cruel 
foe. With such precipitation (hd tlicy flee from their 
farms and dwellings that the men leluheirteanjs har- 
nessed in the field and women their ovens heating 
and victuals cooking by the fire. 

16. When the intelligence reached Colonel Ser- 
geant at Brattlebornugh, he sent out orders into the 
different towns requesting their militia to assemble 
for the purpos:^ of stopj)ing the ])rogress of the Indians 
who were laying waste the settlements. A snow 
storm had commenced and before night was so se- 
vere, as to render the flight of the inhabitants labori- 
ous and distressing ; and, as evening come on, nu- 
merous lights were seen along the horizon, which 
it was not doubted, proceeded from the conflagration 
of the dwellings of the inhabitants wantonly j)lunder- 
ed and set on fire by the Indians. This alarm spread 
over most of the country but was hapi)ily of short 
continuance. The brave soldiery marched into the 
deserted country, but they found nothing, but a deep 
snow, to interrupt their jH'ogress. The original cause 
of alarm was soon ascertained and the lights, by 
which it had been heightened, were found to proceed 
frcm the binning log and brush heaps, which had 
been fired by the industrious inhabitants of New 
Fane, and which had been set on fire as they saw 
the storm apj)roaching. 

17. On the 8th of March, 1781, a party of British 
and Indians made jnisoners of Colonel Johnson, Ja- 
cob Page and Jonathan Elkins, and carried them to 
Canada. In the following summer, a scout consisting 
of four men from Peacham, while proceeding up 
Hazen's Road, were fired uj)ou by a ])arty of Indians. 
Two of them were killed and scalped and the other 
two made prisoners. In 1782, a party ol British and 
Indians, after killing one man and taking one prisoner 
at Newbury, proceeded to Corinth where they com- 



DEPREDATIONS OF THE INDIANS. 1G7 

pelled the inhabitants to swear allegiance to the Brit- 
ish kin>2-. Other towns were also visited by stnall 
parties of the tneiuy in the course of the war, but 
dining tlie |)eri()d of tlie negotiation, mentioned in 
the last section, and \>hile Vermont was wholly at 
their mercy, the parties did v ry little injuiry and 
probably liad orders from the British generals not to 
molest tiie inhabitants. 



HISTORY OF VERMONT. 



C II3A P T E R V . 



PROCEEDINGS RELATIVE TO THE ADMISSION OF 
VERMONT INTO THE UNION. 



E C T I O N I . 



Extending from the completion of the eastern and 
ivestern union with Vermont on the 22d of June, 
1781 to the dissolution of the same on the 22d day 
of February 1782. 

1. Vermont, having com])leted her eastern and 
western unions, as related in the preceding chapter, 
ajjpointed Jonas Fay, Ira Allen, and Bezaleel Wood- 
ward, delegates to the American Congress^to negoti- 



168 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

ate her admission into the federal union. Full 
powers were given t;)eni to complete the arrange- 
ment ; and, if they effected their ohject they were 
authorized to take their seat in Congress as the 
rej)resentatives of Vermont. These delegates arrived 
at Philadelphia, in the hegimiing of August, and 
ahout the time of the puhhcation of Lord Germain's 
letter, as already mentioned. On the 7th of August, 
1781, Congress took up tlie subject of their mission, 
aud a|)pointed a connrnttee of five persons to con- 
fer with tlje dehjgates from \ ermont, and agree with 
them upon the terms of admission, ])rovided Congress 
should see fit to recognize \ ermont as an indepen- 
dent state. 

2. On the 18ih of August, a conference took place 
between this connnittee and tlje delegates from Ver- 
mont, at which sundry questions were proj)osed to 
the latter respecting the extent, popidation, and re- 
sources of \ ermont, and the views and wisjies of 
the inhai)itants ; to all of which answers were retur- 
ned. On the 20th, the connnittee made their report 
to Congress ; whereupon that body adopted the 
following resolution. ^^ Resolved, That it bean in- 
dispeiisible preliminary to the recognition of the 
independence of the people inhabiting the territory 
called \ ermont, and their admission into tlje federal 
union, that they exj>licitly relinquish all demands of 
lands or jurisdiction on the east side of tlie west 
bank of Coimecticut river, and on tlie west side of a 
line neginning at tlie north west corner of Massa- 
chusetts, tiience running tvt'enty nnles east of Hud- 
son river, so far as said river continues northeasterly 
in its general coiu'se, then by the west bounds of 
the townships granted by tlie late government of 
New Hampshire, to the river runing into East Bay, 
thence along said river and bay to lake Champlain, 
thence along the waters of said lake to latitude 45 
degrees north." 

3. Vermont and New York were both dissatisfied 



RESOLUTIONS OP VERMONT LEGISLATURE. 169 

with this resohition — Vermont, hecausc it required 
as a couchtioii of licr achnission into the union, that 
she should thssolve the a<:reeal)le connexions which 
she ha(i just formed — New York, hecause it recog- 
nized the claim, against which she had so long and 
so earnestly contended; — the one, because it hereft 
Vermont of one halt her present territory, resources 
and im})ortance — the other, hecause it would allow 
Vermont still to have something left, which she 
could call her own. This appears from the i)roceed- 
ings of their respective legislatures. 

4. The legislature of Vermont met at Charlestown, 
on the east side of Connecticut river, in October, and 
on the IGth of that njonih, the foregoing resolutions 
were laid before them. The resolution held out to 
Vermont a faint prospect of an aflmission into the 
federal union with her original territory, but having 
lost much of her confidence in the assiu'ances of 
Congress and having now consolidated her unions at 
home, she feh herself in a condition to demand bet- 
ter terms than the relinquishment of one half her 
territory and ])()])ulation, to secure the independence 
of tlie other half. After deliberating and debating 
upon the subject for several days, the assembly, on 
the 19th of October, voted that they could not com- 
ply with the foregoing resolution of Congress. 

5. They declared that a compliance wouhi destroy 
the foundation of the harmony which then subsisted 
in the state, and be a violation of the solemn com- 
])act entered into by the articles of union and 
confederation — that thej' would remain firm in the 
])rinciples on which tiiey had assumed the powers 
of government — that they would hold inviolate the 
articles of union, which connected the parts of the 
state togetluT — and that they would submit the ques- 
tion of iheir independence to the arbitration of no 
])ower under heaven. They however declared their 
willingnet>s to submit any questions, which might 
arise, witli regard to jurisdictional limits between 

15 



170 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

them and the neighboring states, to arbitrators mutu- 
a]l\'^ chosen ; and, when achnitted into the American 
union, they would not object to submitting such dis- 
putes to Congress. 

6. The Legislature of New York, on the other 
hand, regarding the resolution of Congress as a vir- 
tual determination of the controversy between that 
state and Vermont, passed a number of resolutions, 
and a solemn protest against the proceedings of Con- 
gress. Havmg stated tlieir claims, and some former 
proceedings of Congress on the subject, they went 
on to express their disai)probation and alarm at the 
evident intention of Congress, from political expedi- 
ence, to establish an arbitrary boundary, which ex- 
cluded from that state a great part of its territory. 
They declared that, in the 0!)iiiion of the legislature, 
Congress had no authority, by the articles of confed- 
eration, to intermeddle with the t(Miitorial extent, 
or jurisdiction, of eitlier of the United States, except 
in case of dispute between two or more states in the 
union, — that to carry into execution said resolution 
of Congress, would be an assumption of power and 
an infraction of the articles of confederation, and that 
they therefore solemnly })rotested against the same. 

7. With the above nientioned resolution of Con- 
gress, a verbal message had been sent by General 
Washington to Governor Chittenden, desiring to 
know what were the real designs, wishes and inten- 
tions of the people of Vermont; — whether they 
would be satisfied with the independence |)ro})osed 
in said resolution, or seriously thouiiht of joining the 
enemy and becoming a British ])rovince. On the 
14th of November, Governor Chitteiiden returned an 
unequivocal and decisive answer to the above com- 
munication, in which he said that no people on the 
continent were more attaclied to the cause of Amer- 
ica tban tbe peo|)le of Vermont; but, that they would 
sooner join the British in Canada, than submit to the 
government of New York — that, driven to des- 



DIFFICULTIF.S T^T HER UNIONS. 171 

peration by tlic injustice of those, who should have 
been h(M- fi'icnds, Verniont was now obliifed to adopt 
policy in the rooiri of j)ower. He ascribud the late 
resolution of Congress, not to the influence of li-iends, 
but the })ower of enemies, believing that Lord Ger- 
main's letter had procured that, which the public 
virtue of the jx-ople could not obtain. 

8. Dnring these proceedings, new difficulties were 
opening to Vermont in her eastern and western un- 
ions. A conununication was received by Governor 
Chittenden from one of the sheriffs in the eastern 
union, informing him that the governnient of New 
Hampshire, were about taking coercive measures to 
bring those citizens of that state, who had joined 
Vernmnt, again under their laws and authority. The 
governor, on the ]4ih of December, directed Gene- 
ral Paine, then lieutenant governor of the state, to 
call out the militia on the east side of the mountains, 
for the assistance of the sheriffs and the defence of 
the citizens ; and, if armed force should be employ- 
ed by New Hampshire, that he slionld repel it by 
the same. Mr Panie forwarded a copy of this order 
to the council of New Hampshire, and informed 
them, that, if hostilities were commenced, he should 
execute his orders, and that New Hampshire must be 
accountable for the consequences. With these com- 
mimications, connnissioners were also sent to New 
Hami)shire, to endeavor to accommodate matters, 
and j)revent the effiision of blood. 

9. On the other hand a military force was called 
out in New York, to prevent Vermont from execu- 
ting her lasvs over the inhabitants of her western 
union, and to aid the sheriff' of New York in appre- 
hending several persons in the territory who had 
rendered themselves particularly obnoxious to the 
government of that state. This force was command- 
ed by General Gnnesvoort, wno, being informed that 
Colonel Walbridge was advancing with a large body 
of troops from the grants, wrote to him on the 18th 



17^ HISTORY OF VERMOJTT 

of December, to be informed of the object of his 
movement, Walhrirlge replied tliut it was to pro- 
tect the inhabitants, who, in conspqnence of the 
union, professed allegiance to the state of Vermont; - 
that he wished concihatory measures might be adopt- 
ed, but, if those persons who j)rofessed to be citizens 
of Vermont, should be imprisoned and their ])mi)erty 
destroyed, he would not be accountable for the con- 
sequerices. 

10. Affairs seemed now to have reached an alarm- 
ing crisis, and all parties trembled at the prospect of 
a civil war. Happy was it that hostilities were not 
commenced before the paities had taken time to re- 
flect upon the consequences of such a measure ; for 
when they looked at the momentous struggle in which 
their country was engaged, every philanthropist was 
fully convinced that no differences between the states 
should, on any account, be ])ermitted to endanger 
the cause of American liberty and independence. 
Fortunately, about this time, Gevornor Chittenden 
received a letter from General Washington, dictated 
by his paternal solicitude for the good of his country, 
and for a happy termination of the troid)les in rela- 
tion to Vermont. This letter is dated January 1st, 
1782, and from it we extract the following paragraph. 

11. "It is not my business, nor do I think it necessary, 
now to discuss tlie origin of the right of a number of 
inhabitants, to that tract of country, formerly distin- 
guished by the name of the New Hampshire grants, 
and now by that of Vermont. I will take it for 
granted that their right was good because Congress, 
by heir resolve of the 7th of August, imply it; and 
by that of the 20th are willing fully to confirm it, 
provided the new state is confined to certain de- 
scribed bounds. It appears therefore to me, that the 
dispute of boundary, is the only one that exists ; 
and, that being removed, all other difficidties would 
be removed also, and tlie matter terminate to the 
satisfaction of all parties. You have nothing to do, 



Washington's letter to gov. chittenden. 173 

but to withdraw your jurisdiction to tlie confines of 
your own limits, and olitain an acknowlodgenient 
of independence and sovereignty under the resolve 
of the 20th of August, for so much territory as does 
not int^'rfere with the ainnent estahlished hounds of 
New Hampshire, New York and Massachusetts. In 
iny private opinion, whil(3 it Ixdioves the delegates 
to do ample justice to a i)i'opl(>, snfficientl}^ respecta- 
ble by their numbers and entith^d, by other claims, 
to he admitted into the confederation, it becomes 
them also, to attend to the interests of their constit- 
uents, and see, that imder the appearance of justice 
to one, they do not materially injure the othei's. 'I 
am apt to think this is the prevailing opinion of 
Congress." 

12. Behig endeared to all the friends of liberty by 
his integrity and virtue and by his disinterested ex- 
ertions and sacrifices for the good of his country, 
such a communication from General Washinjiton 
might reasonably l)e expected to exert a powerful 
influence Uj)on the minds of the leading men in 
Veriuont, and the event showed that it did. At the 
next meeting of the legislature, which was held at 
Bennington, this letter was laid before them. It 
served to open their eyes to the forf)ier errors of 
government, and, knowing it to have come from a man, 
who had only the interests of his whole country at 
heart, his advice was received with the greatest defer- 
ence, and after mature delil)eration upon the subject, 
the assenjl)Iy on the 22d of February, 1782, resol- 
ved to comply with the })reliminary required b}' the 
resolution of Congress on the 20rh of August, and 
relinquisli all claims to jurisdiction beyond the 
bounds therein mentioned. 

13 Thus was dissolved a union which had greatly 
increased the power and consequence of Vermont, 
and which, it was believed, had preveisted the divis- 
ion of \ ermont, between New Hampshire and New 
York. But this union was not dissolved without a 
*15 



174 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

Struggle and much dissatisfaction in those parts 
which were cut off from ■ ermonr, hy the prescribed 
boundaries. The inhabitants of those parts had 
eagerly sought the uiiiou with \ criuont, and they 
were too well satisfied witii it wiUiugly to return to 
their allegiance to those states from which they had 
withdrawn. 

14. \ ermont, having complied with the requirements 
of Congress, now confidently expected an immedi- 
ate recognition of her independence, and an admis- 
sion into the federal union ; and with it a termina- 
tion of the disagreeable controversy with New 
York. The legislature therefore proceeded to 
choose four agents to arrange the terms of admis- 
sion, and then take their seats in Congress as rep- 
resentatives of Vermontx But in their ex])ectati()ns 
the peoj>Ie of Vermont were again doomed to dis- 
appointment ; a disajjpointment, the pain and mor- 
tification of which coidd onl}'^ be exceeded by the 
impolicy and injustice of the neglect which occa- 
sioned it. Congress slill rt^fused to admit \ ermont 
into tlie union and again reverted to her policy of 
evasion and delaj'. 



[SECTION II. 

Proceedings of Congress — Disturbances in Vermont — 
Ji'om the Dissolutioyis of the unions in Vermont Feb. 
22//, 1782, to the Treaty of Peace between the United 
States and Great Britain, January 20th, 1783. 

1. The refusal of Vermont on die 18th of October, 
1781, to comply with the resolution of the 20th of 
August, had been communicated to Congress, and 
while the assembly of \ ermont, in February 1782, 
was rec^onsidering the subject and effecting a com- 



AGENTS REPAIR TO CONGRESS. 175 

pTiance with said resolution, Conji^ross was engaged 
in warm (iobj'.to upon their preceding n^fiisal. On 
the first (hiy of Mairh, several spirited resolutions 
were proposed and discussed in Congress. Tliese 
resolutions declared that, if V' erniont did not, with- 
in one month from the time these resolutions were 
conununicated to Governor Chittenden, comply with 
the resolution of the 20th of August, and reliiupiisli 
her jurisdiction beyond the bounds therein named, 
such neglect and refusal would he regarded as an 
indication of hostility to the United States. 

2. In that case Congress would regard the pre- 
tensions of Vermont for admission into the union as 
fallacious and tlelusive, and, would thereafter consid- 
er the lands in Vermont to tlie eastward if the ridge 
of the Green Mountains, as granted to New Hamp- 
shire, and the lands to the westward of said line as 
granted to New York ; and that the commander in 
chief of the American armies he directed to em])loy 
the military forces of the United States to carry 
these rosolutions into full execution. After a long 
debate and several trials, it was found that a vote 
could not be obtained to pass these resolutions, 
and a few days after, as the excitement was begin- 
ning to subside, the agents from Vermont arrived at 
Philadelphia. 

3. These agents were Jonas Fay, Moses Robinson, 
Paul Spooner, and Isaac Tichenor, and they were 
instructed " to negotiate and complete on the part 
of Vermont, the admission thereof into the federal 
union, and to subscribe articles o( perpetual confed- 
eration thereunto." On tlie 31st of March, 1782, 
they officially laid before Congress the proceedings 
of the legislature of Vermont on the 22d ef Februa- 
ry, by which they had fully comi)lied with the re- 
quirement of the resolution of the 20 h of August. 
Congress now again took up the subject and refer- 
red it to a committee of five members, who, on the 
17th of April, reported; — That in the opinion of the 



176 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

committee, Vermont liad fully com})lied with the 
resolution of the 20th of August as prelimhiary to 
the recognition of her sovereignty and independence 
and admission into the federal union ; and that the^ 
conditional promise of such recognition and achnis- 
sion liy Congress, is tiierehy become absolute and 
necessary to he performed. 

4. The committee tlien proposed a resolution 
declaring " That the district, or territory called \ er- 
mont, as defined and limited in the resolution of 
Congress of the 20th of August, 1781, he, f^nd it 
hereby is. recognized an 1 acknowledged, by the 
name of the state of Vermont, as free, sovereign and 
independc-nt ; and that a committee be appointed to 
treat and confer with the agents and delegates 
from said state, upon the terms aiid mode of the ad- 
mission of said state into the federal union." When 
this report was read, motions wcn^ successively made 
that its consideration be assigned to the first Tues- 
day in October, the first Tuesday in June, and to 
Monday next, all of which were decided in the nega- 
tive. 

5. By these votes it became evident that Congress 
did not intend to come to aiiy decision upon the 
affairs of A ermont, and the agents, of Vermont disap- 
pointed at the result, addressed a letter to tlie presi- 
dent of Congress on the 19ih of April, and immedi- 
ately left PI iladelphia. In this communication they 
say, that in consequence of the jjlighted faith of Con- 
gress, and the advice of gentlemen ot the first charac- 
ter in America^ V crmoiit had been induced to 
comply in the most ample manner with the resolu- 
tion of the 20lh of August, and that they had 
officially commmiicat(>d said coni])Iiance to Congress 
They (expressed their disap])ointuient at the delay o 
Congress to execute, on their i)art, the sj)irit of said 
resolution, and pointed out the ci-itical situation, to 
which Vermont was reduced by casting off a 
considerable portion of her strength, — by being ex- 



\ 

INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF VERMONT. 177 

posed to the main force of the enemy in Canada, 
and by receiving no aid from t!ie United States, in 
whoso cause she had ircely fought and suffered. 

6. When tlicsc jiroceediDgs of Congress became 
known hi Vermont tlu-y produced universal dissatis- 
faction. It was th(^ general opinion that the resolution 
of the 20th of August, had been designed to dupe the 
assembly to a compliance for the jiurpose of weak- 
ening Vermont aud rendering it less dangerous to 
contravene her designs aud wishes. Faith in the 
virtue and integrity of Congress was nearly destroy- 
ed ; and by these measures of that body, the j)eople, 
and tlie assembly of Vermont, were determined to 
adhere to the boundaries, to wliich they had agreed, 
and rely upon their own strength, resources, and 
management for defence and saf(!ty and urge no 
fmther upon Congress their right to a co federa- 
tion with the United States. Still, that it might 
appear to the world that Vermont was not in fault, 
the assembly at their session in October, again 
appointed agents with full [)owers to complete 
arrangements for her admission into the union. 

7. Notwithstanding the unsettled and embarrassing 
state of her relations to Congress and the neighbor- 
ing states, the internal tranciuility of Vermont had 
been for some time, but little disturbed. Her polit- 
ical institutions had been grachially maturing, and the 
organization of her government had assumed a 
regularity and efficiency which commanded the 
obedience and respect of the great body of the cit- 
izens. New York had not relinquished her claim to 
jurisdiction over the territory, but she had not, of late, 
made any serious effort to exercise it ; and had con- 
tented herself with opposing the admission of 
Vermont into the union. Still there were some 
among tlie citizens of Vermont, whose submission 
was reluctant, and who were ready to embrace any 
favorable opportunity to renounce their allegiance 
and support the claims of New York, 



178 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

8. As the continental troops had been withdrawn 
from the nonhenn frontier, and aa Vermont was 
exposed to invasion by the enemy from Canada, she 
fonnd it necessary to order a draft ol miUtia for the 
pnrpose of defence. Those citizens of Vermont, 
wljo were (hsaffected toward the govermnent, resol- 
ved to take this 0|)portimity to resist its authority. 
They were encouraged in this measure by the 
governor of New York, who gave commissions to 
sundry persons in the southeastern part of the coun- 
ty of Windham, and had reconmiended the organi- 
zation of a military force for the puri)ose of opposing 
Vermont, and enforcing the laws of New York. 
Vermont became alarmed at these proceedings, and, 
having employed lenient measures in vain, ordered 
out the militia to suppress them. The leaders in 
the rebellion were taken, five of the most obnoxious 
of whom were banished from the state, and the oth- 
ers fined cr otherwise punished. 

9. Disappointed in their attempts to resist the 
authority of Vermont, the insurgents applied to the 
government of New York, under which they preten- 
ded to have acted, for support and remuneration for 
their sacrifices and losses in consequence of their re- 
bellion. But the desired support New York was not 
able to aflfbrd. Vermont feared not her power, and 
therefore her promises and her threatenings were 
alike disregarded. A remonstrance was then for- 
warded to Congress setting forth that Vermont had 
proceeded to exercise jurisdiction over the ])ersons 
and properties of sundry persons, who professed 
themselves to be subject to the state of New York; 
This remonstrance was seconded by a letter from 
the governor of New York, and on the 14th day of 
November, 1782, the committee in Congress to 
whom the subject was referred, reported " that the 
measures conn)Iained of were probably occasioned by 
the state of New York having given commissions 
both civil and military, to persons residing in Ver- 



RESOLUTIONS OF CONGRESS. 179 

mont." They also rocommendcd, that said com- 
r.iissions be revoked, and that Vermont shoidd make 
satisfaction to the persons, who had been l)dnished, 
or wlio had snstained (hiinages. But Congress re- 
fused to adopt the resolutions recommended. 

10. On the 5th of December, Congress again took 
up the matter, but instead of fulfilling their engage- 
ment to Vermont made by the resolution of the 20th 
of August, 178.1, their proceedings were full of cen- 
sure and tlireatening against Vermont, for liaving ex- 
ercised authority ov(^r persons, who professed allegi- 
ance to the state of New York, in violation of the 
resolutions of Congress, ])assed on the 24th of Sep- 
tember, 1779, and on the 2d of June, 1780. Among 
other things they resolved, that Vermont be requir- 
ed to make full restitution to the j)ersons condem- 
ned to banishment or confiscation of !)ro{)erty, and 
that they be not molested on their return to said dis- 
trict. They close by resolving "that the United 
States wjII take efFeciual measures to enforce a com- 
pliance with the aforesaid resolutions, in case the 
same shall be disobeyed by the people of the said 
district." 

11. The faith of t'le people of Vermont in the 
wisdoin and integrity of Congress, weakened by 
several of their former acts, was by the foregoing 
nearly destroyed, and with it t!ie reverence and res- 
pect of the ])eople for that body. The governor and 
council of \ ermont returned a spirited remonstrance 
to the above resolutions, in which Congress was re- 
minded of their solemn (3ngagement to the state of 
Verinont, in the resolution of the 20th of August, 
and which, after the fullest comi)liance on the |)art 
ol said state with the requirement of Congress, Con- 
gress had refused or neglected to fulfill. Coniiress 
were told, that, by their own articles of confederation, 
they had no right to int'-M-meddl;.' wish the internal 
polic}' of any of the United States; and least ol all 
with that of Vermont, fiorn which she had received 



180 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

no delegated authority whatever. It asserted that 
Vermont had as much authority to prescribe meas- 
ures to Congress, as Congress liad to revoke the le- 
gal decisions of Vermont in the case of the criminals 
already mentioned. 

The remonstrance went on to assert that Vermont 
had had an independent jurisdiction since the royal 
decision in 1764, and that they did not intend to be 
resolved out of it by the influence, which their old 
adversari/, New York, possessed in Congress : — tliat 
Vermont had no controversy with tlie United States, 
as a whole ; but that she was at all times, ready and 
able, to vindicate her rights and liberties against the 
usurpations of New York. It declares that Congress 
has been so mutable in their resolutions respecting 
Vermont, that it is impossible to know on what 
grounds to find them. At one time they guarantee 
a part of her lands to New Hampshire and New 
York, still leaving a place for the existence of Ver- 
mont though much diminished in extent. At another 
time they are controlling the intfn-nal government of 
Vermont. And again, at another time prescribing 
terms of confederation, with the United States and 
when these are com})lied witii on the part of Vermont, 
Congress will not ratify the union. 

14. After giving a full reply to all the topics con- 
tained in the resolutions of Congress, the remon- 
strance concludes with a request to be immediately 
admitted into the unicn, and with an assurance that 
she will not recede from her compliance with the 
resolution of the 20th of August 1780. The assem- 
bly met at Windsor in February 1783, and on the 
26th, a remonstrance, like the ])rece<ling, spirited and 
decisive, was forwarded by that body to Congress. 
It announced in the plainest terms that Congress had 
no business to intermeddle in the internal affairs of 
Vermont, and ihat \ ermont was fidly determined to 
maintain her independence and jurisdiction within 
her own limits. She therefore continued, unawed 



DISTURRANCES IN WINDIIAM COUNTY. 181 

by the tbreateniiigs of Congress, to enforce tlio decis- 
ions of her courts of jiisiice and in tlio adtnini.slratioa 
of the atfairs of government, and Congress, itapp«;ars, 
did not judge it|)ru(lent to attempt, by force to carry 
into effect her resokitioiis of the 5lh of December 1782. 



SECTION III. 



Disturhances in Vermont growing out of the controversy 
with JVeiv York, 



1. The disturbances in tlie county of Windham, 
to which we alluded in the ])rece(hng section, per- 
haps deserve a more particuhu* notice than was thero 
given. At the first organization of the government 
of \ ermont in 1778, tht;re were many people in the 
southeastern part of the state, who were in favor of 
New York and of course opposed to the indepen- 
dence of Vermont. These persons embraced every 
opi)ortunity to embarrass the newly organized gov- 
ermnenr, and ac several times resisted the authority 
of Vermont by force. The centre of this opposition 
seems to have been at Guilford, at that time the most 
populous town in the state numbering nearly 3000 
sonls. JJuring most of the revolutionar}'^ war a ma- 
jority of the inhabitants of this town were friendly to 
New Vorkand were therefore denominated "York- 
ers ;" and at their town meetings it was nsually a 
part of their business to appoint "a connnittee to de- 
fend the town against the pretended state of Ver- 
mont." 

2. In several of the neighboring towns, particularly 
in Brattleborough, the disaffected towards the govern- 
ment of Vermont were considerably numerous, and 
there was in these towns an organized opposition 
to the government of the state, and conventions of 

16 



182 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

delegates from them occasionally assembled for the 
purpose of adopting an uniform ])lan of resistance 
throughout the whole. The measures of the gov- 
ernment, most vigorously op])osed, were the collec- 
tion of taxes and the drafting of men for the defence 
of the state ; and it was a customary ])art of their bu- 
siness at their town meeting in Guilford, whi e the 
Yorkers were a majority, to aj)point a sjjecial "com- 
mittee to forbid the constable acting." And to secure 
a majority at thtir meetings the new state ])eople 
were frequently excluded liom tht; polls by an arm- 
ed force, collected from the ncigh])oring towns. 

3. It appears that in Guilford and in some of the 
other towns, the two parties had each a town organi- 
zation of their own, and that, in some cases there 
were two sets of town officers, one professing alle- 
giance to Vermont and the other to New York. Be- 
tween these, and their partizans on each side, there 
were frequent skirmishes, some of which were not 
terminated without the shedding of blood. During 
the years 1783, and 1784, the enmity of the ])arties 
was carried to an alarming extent. Social order was 
at an end ; Physicians were not allowed to vif-it the 
sick without a ])ass from the several committees. 
Handbills from various quarters inflamed the minds 
of the people. Relatives and neighbors were arraj^ed 
against each other. The laws of Vermont were dis- 
regarded by the partisans of New York and her ex- 
ecutive officers were o|)enly resisted. 

4. In this state of things, in the summer of 1783, 
General Ethan Allen was directed to call out tlie 
militia for enforcing the laws of Vermont, and for 
suppressing insurrection and disturbances in the 
county of Windham. Allen proceeded from Ben- 
nington at the head of ICO Green Mountain Boys, 
and on his arrival at Guilford, he issued the follow- 
ing proclamation. "/, Ethan JIUen, declare that un- 
less the people of Guilford peaceably submit to the au~ 
thjoriiy of Vermont^ the town shall be made as deso- 



DISTURBANCES IN WINDHAM COUNTY. 183 

late as ivere the cities of Sodom and GomorraL'^^ The 
Yorkers bavinji fired u])on Allen and Iiis nieii, were 
pursued, and all either taken i)riooners or dispersed. 
'J'hose, taken, Avere put under lionds for their good 
behavior and were conij)elle(l to furnish supplies and 
quarters for the troops. Under Allen's martial law 
the constable foimd no difficidty in the collection of 
taxes: nor was he very scrupulous about the sum 
assessed in the tax bill Produce, horses, cattle 
and sheep, and v>hatever else could be found belong- 
mg to the most violent Yorkers were taken and sold 
for the benefit of the state. 

5. During the following winter the disturbances 
became still more soriotis. On the night of the 17th 
of January, 1784, a party of Yorkers from Guilford 
attacked the iim of Josiah Arms in Brattleborough, 
which was the quarters of General Farnsworth, Ma- 
jor Boyden, Constable Waters, and soine others 
holding offices imder the government of V^erniont, 
and demanded the immediate surrender of Waters, 
who had been guilty of extorting taxes from persons 
professing alk giance to New York. Not being in a 
condition to make an effectual resistance to an ar- 
med force, Waters voluntarily siu'rendered himself 
into the hands of the Yorkers, but not till after they 
had fired about 30 balls through the house, and 
wounded Major Hoyden in the leg, and shot a travel- 
ler througli tlie thigh. Waters was carried into Mas- 
sachusetts, but the party being ])uisued by a few 
Vermonters, he was released the next day and 
returned. 

6. The legislature of Vermont had, at their session 
in October, " voted to raise 2C0 men for the defence 
of W^indham comity against the Yorkers." After 
the aftliir at Brattleborough, fiiiding the i)eople of 
Guilford determined to o|)pose the collection of tax- 
es. Colonel S. R. Brarlley, at the head of this force, 
proceeded, January IHrh, to that town for the purpose 
of enforcing the collections. The parties of Yorkers 



184 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

were all dispersed without opposition, excepting one 
which had collected near the line of Massachusetts. 
This party consisting- of 25 men, fired uj)on the 
\ ermonters as they advanced, hy wliich one man 
was severely wounded. The Yorkers then retreated 
with all possible speed, over the line into jMassaclm- 
setts. Several of the leaders were, however, taken 
and brouiflit to merited ]:)unishnient by whipping, 
fine, and ])illory. Another skirmish occurred on the 
5th of r^Iarch, between a coni})any of Vermonters 
under Captain KnigliLs, and a ])arty oi Yorkers near 
the south j)art of Guilford, in whicli the latter had 
one man killed and several wounded. 

7. These disturbances continued during most of 
tbe year 1784; but before the close of the year, the 
Yorkers, found their property rao^:tly confiscated, 
and themselves so harshly handled, by the civil and 
military authority of Vermont, that they either sub- 
mitted and took the oath of allegiance to tlie state, 
or abar.doned the country, and settled in other pla- 
ces. The greater part of tliem fled into the state of 
New York, and settled upon lauds especially granted 
by that state for the banefit of these sufferers. This 
dispersion of her partisans from the coimty of Wind- 
ham terminated the attempts: of New York, to main- 
tain her authority in Vermont by means of a military 
force ; and although she did not readily acknowledge 
the independence of Vermont, she prol)ab]y, from 
this period, relinquished all hope of overthrowing the 
government of Vermont, or of preventing the final 
acknowledgement of her independence by Congress. 



CONDITION OF VERMONT AFTER TUE WAR. 185 

§ E c T 1 o i^f I y . 

Settlement of the Controversj/ with A'ew York, and the 
Admission of Vermont into the Union. 

1. On the 20tli of Janiiaiy, 1783, the preliminary 
articics of peac-c. were signed, which terminated tlie 
war with Great Britain, and estahhshed the inde- 
pendenee of the united colonies. By this event, 
Congress was freed froni their emharrassments with 
regard to Vermont, and Vermont was released from 
all her fears. The j>ritish arm}' upon the northern 
frontiers of Vermont, \vhose efforts had heen so 
long palsied by the artfui [)oliey of ihw individuals, 
was now withdrawn, and the people of \ enuont, 
having now no external foes to dread, ceased to he 
solicitous for an innnediate union with the confeder- 
ated states. ^^hey observed that the Congress of 
the United States v/as becoming embarrassed in 
their ])roceedings — that their currency had failed — 
their reveinie was dried up — tlieir armies unpaid 
and dissatisfied — their credit gone — and the confi- 
dence of the peoi)le in their wisdom and ability, 
nearly destroyed. 

2. \ ermont, on the other hand, in consequence of 
being refused admission into the union, found her- 
self freed from all these dificulties. The United 
States had incurred an immense debt m the prose- 
cution of the war, but the calls of Congress upon the 
peoi)Ie for money to pay this debt, could not reach 
into \ ermont. \ ermont, it is true, was obliged to 
pay the forces, which she had raised for her own 
defence, but these liad been few, as she had, during 
much of the war relied for safety more upon her 
policy, than her power. As much of the territory of 
Vermont was at this time uiigranted, and at the dis- 
posal of the government, and as numerous applica- 
tions were now made for these lands by settlers, who 

16* 



186 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

were flocking in from other states ; Vermont was 
thereby enabled to supply her own treasury and to 
pay her debts without imposing oppressive taxes 
upon the people. 

3. Thus, by one of tliose sudden transactions, 
which are not uncommon in human affairs, was 
Vermont brought from a condition the most difficult 
and embarrassed, to a state of safety and happiness 
exceeding that of any of her neighbors. Invited by 
the mildness of the government, the comparative ex- 
emption from taxes, the fertility and chea[)ness of 
the lands, large additions were annually made to the 
population, and resources of Vermont by emigrants 
from other states. Tlie government had attained an 
efficient organization— had learned wisdom from 
past experience — the })eople were contented and 
liap])y under it — and as they felt that their own situ- 
ation was better than that of the people of the neigh- 
boring states, they felt no longer any solicitude to be 
admitted into the confederation. 

4. The affairs of Vermont remained in this situa- 
tion for several years after the close of the war. Dur- 
ing this period the leading statesmen and philanthro- 
pists in the United States became alarmed at the 
oj)eration and tendency of ])ublie affairs. They per- 
ceived that the powers, \vith which Congress was 
invested, were wholly inadequate to the purposes of 
goveinment and that a more solid and etficient or- 
ganization was indispensable in order to secure that 
hberty azid inde])endence, which they had purchased 
with so much blood, and toil, and treasure. There- 
fore at the suggestion of .Tames JMadison of Virginia 
and in conformitj^ with a resolution of Congress, a 
convention of delegates, from the several states as- 
sembled at Philadelphia in 1787, and after mature 
deliberation ado])ted a constitution, by which Con- 
gress should afterwards be funiished with powers 
adequate to the exigencies of the government. This 
constitution was ratified by the states and the first 



RECOGNITION OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. 187 

Congress assembled under it on the 3d of March, 
1789. 

5. After the adoption of the federal constitution 
the policy and proceedings of the new Congress 
were carefully ol)served hy the people of Vermont. 
During two sessions they found the government la- 
boring to restore ])id)li(: confideiice by ])roviding for 
the pavment of tlu; jxiblic debts and by the establish- 
ment of equal law and justice in every de])artment 
of the federal government. Their measures a|)pear- 
ed to be marked with so much wisdom and i)rudence, 
as, in a great degree, to restore to the people of Ver- 
mont that confidence in the federal goveriunent, 
which had been destroyed by the evasive and vacil- 
lating })olicy of the old Cojigress, and to remove the 
aversion, which they had sometime felt, to a confed- 
eracy with the United States. 

6. The ancient difficulty with New York, however, 
remained unsettled. That state well knew that Ver- 
mont would now remain a free and independent 
state, and she probably felt but little anxiety that it 
should be otlunnvise. But (he former governors of 
New York had made grants of large tracts in Vermont 
the validity of which, the govermnent of Vermont 
refused to admit, and the grantees were constantly 
complaining to the government of New York, of the 
injuries done then) in not being pertnitted to take 
possession of their projjerty. New York did not 
conceive that slje was under very strong obligation 
to refund what had been extorted for these grants by 
the cupidity of the royal governors of that province 
before the war, yet she manifested a disposition to 
compromise the matter and have the difficulties ad- 
justed on amicable terms. 

7. Events also occurred in relation to the federal 
government, which disposed New York still more, to 
admit the independence of Vermont, and to wish her 
confederation with the United States. It was per- 
ceived that by the exclusion of Vermont, the eastern 



188 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

States were deprived of their just representation in 
Congress, and New York could not but see, that, if 
tlieir old difficulties could be settled, the interests and 
influence of \ erniont would in almost every instance 
coincide with her own. It therefore soon became ap- 
parent that ])ul>lic sentiment in N. Y. was in favor of 
a reconciliation. \ erinont, it was said, is in full pos- 
session of iiulependence ; her government is as well 
organized and adniinisiered, as that of the otlier 
states; and sliall a controversy, which originated in 
the cupidity and op])i-ession of royal governors and 
coinicils, whose authority has long been extinct, be 
permitted to mar the con.stellation of America and 
deprive the north of its just weight in the council of 
the nation ? 

8. In accordance with these conciliatory views, the 
legislature of New York, on the 15th of July, 1789, 
passed an act, appointing commissioners with tidl pow- 
ers to acknowledge the sovereignty of Vermont, and 
adjust all matters of controversy with that state, On 
the 23d of October following, the legislature of Ver- 
mont appointed connnissiontrs on their part to treat 
with those of New York, and to remove all obstruc- 
tions to the admission of Vermont into the union. 
The commissioners on both parts were very anxious 
that an adjustment sliould be effected, and the only 
point, which occasioned any debate, was the amount 
of compensation, which claiman*^s under New York 
grants sliould receive from Vermont, an account of her 
having regranted the same lands and excluded the 
New York grantees from their possession. But the 
settlement of this jjoint, afler two or three meetings, 
was amicably agreed upon by tiie commissioners. 

9. On the 7th of October, 1790, " the connnission- 
ers for New York, by virtue of the powers to them 
granted for that purpose, declared the consent of the 
legislature of New York, that the state of Vermont 
be admitted into the union of the United States of 
America ; and that immediately upon such admission, 



SETTLEMENT WITH NEW YORK. 189 

all claims of jurisdiction of the state of New York, 
within the state of \ erinont, shall cease ; and thence- 
forth the ])erj)etunl boundary line between the state 
of \ erniont shall he as was then holden and ])os- 
sessed Uy Voiniont," that is, the west hues of the most 
western towns which had heen granted by New 
Hampshire, and the middle channel of Lake Cham- 
l)lain. 

10. With regard to the lands which had been gran- 
ted hy New York. " the said connnissioners by virtue 
of the powers to them granted, declare the will of 
the legislature of New York, that if the legislature of 
the state of \ ermont should, on or before the first day 
of January, 1792, declare that on or before the first 
day of June, 1794, the state of \ ermont would pay 
the state of New York, the sum of thirty thousand 
dollars, that iuimediately from such declaration by the 
legislature of the state of Veimont, all rights and ti- 
tles to lands wihin the uVdte of Vermont, under grants 
from the government of the colony of New York, or 
from the state of New York, should cease," those ex- 
cej)ted, which had been made in confirmation of the 
grants of New Hampshire. 

11. This proposal and declaration being laid before 
the legislature of Vermont, they very readily agreed 
to the jjlan, which had been concerted by the com- 
missioners from both states ; and on October 28, 
1790, passed an act directing the treasurer of the state, 
to ])ay the sum of thirty thousand dollars to the state 
of N. Y. at the time })roposed ; adopting the west line 
above mentioned as the pcipetual boimdary between 
the two states ; and declaring all the grants, charters 
and patents of land, lying within the state of Vermont, 
made l)y or under the late colony of New York, to 
be null and void, those only excepted which had been 
made in coniirmation of the grants from New Hamp- 
shire. 

12. Thus was terminated a controversy which had 



190 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

been carried on with great spirit and 'animosity for 
twenty six years; and wliirii, had, on the pfirt of 
Vermont called into exert-ise native courage and tal- 
ents, which have few parrallels in ancient or modern 
times. The defficulties with New York, being ad- 
justed, the legislature of \ erniont, proceeded to call 
a convention for the purpo^^e of ascertaining the 
views of the people with regard to an union with the 
United States. This convention assi'nil)led at Ben- 
nington on the 6th day of January, 1791, and after 
deliherating and debating the subject for four days, it 
was tinaly voted, yeas J 05, and nays 2, that applica- 
tion be made for admission into the federal union ; 
and the convention was theii dissolved. 

13. On the 10th of January, 1791, the legislature 
of Vermont, met at Bennington, and on the 18th, 
they chose the Hon. Nathaniel Chapman, and Lew- 
is R. Morris Esq. connnissioners to attend Congress 
and negotiate the admission of Vermont, into the un- 
ion. These commissioners immediately repaired to 
Philadelphia, and laid before the president die pro- 
ceedinfjs of the convention and lejrislature of Ver- 
mont ; and on the 18th of February, 1791, Congress 
passed an act which declared "that on the 4th day 
of March, 1791, the said state by the name and style 
of" the state of \ ermont," shall be received and ad- 
mitted into their union, as a new and entire member 
of the United States of Ai^.ierica." 'This act was 
passed without debate, and without a dissenting vote, 
and by it were terminated all the controversies with 
regard to Vermont. 



HISTORY OF VERMONT. 



CHAPTER VI. 

CIVIL POLICY OF VERMONT AFTER HER ADMISSION INTO 
THE UNION. 



SECTION I. 

Extending from the admissio7i of Vermont into the Un- 
ion in 1791, to the resignation and death of Governor 
Chittenden in 1 797. 

1. We have now traced the history of Vermont 
from the rariiest si^tlcmeiits down to the time of her 
admission into the federal union. Thus far her his- 
tory lias been pecuhar to Jierself, and has been tilled 
with incidents of uncommon interest ; the more so on 
account of their nnlikeness to what happened in any 
other individual state. Pr< vtoi;^^ to the revohition ah 
the original states of the union were provinces under 
the crown of Eiigland, each having an organized 
])roviiicial government. But not so with N erniont. 
She had never been recognized by the crown as a 
separate jurisdiction ; nor liad she herself, after the 
royal decision in 1764, by which she was |)laced un- 
der New York, ever recognized the authority of that 
province, or of any other external power. She had 



192 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

found herself in a state of nature, and her citi- 
zens had formed themselves into a body politic — 
into a little independent republic, for their mutual 
benefit and defence, and by the wisdom and prudence 
of her statesmen, slie had succeeded in organizinff an 
efficient government for the regulation of her internal 
affair, and had adopted a system of jurisprudence ful- 
ly adequate to the wants of the people. 

2. But from the time of the adujission of Vermont 
into the federal union, her history loases in a great 
measure, its se])arate and peculiar character, and be- 
comes, either a part of the liistory of the United 
States, or resenjbles, in its leading features, that of 
the other individual states. We have therefore re- 
served oidy a small ])ortion of our little volume for 
this period of our history, and, consequently, we shall 
not hereafter attempt to trace the course of})olitical 
events with that ujinuteness which we have hitherto 
observed. At the time \ ermont became a member 
of the confederacy, her own government had become 
systematic and stal)Ie by the ])ractical experience of 
thirteen years and that of the United States had been 
placed upon the foundation of its present constitution. 
At the head of these governments were two men, 
who were endeared to the people by their long and 
disinterested ])nblic services, and in whose abilities 
and virtues the tulkst confidence was reposed. These 
men were Thomas Chittenden, governor of X'ermont, 
and George Washington president of the United 
States. 

3. From this era in the history of Vermont and in 
that of the United States, the two governments, 
though occasionally slightly agitated by the becker- 
ings of paity, have gone steadily onward in the ca- 
reer of prosj)erity, difl^iising their blessings through 
every portion of community. The tranqnility of 
Vermont was, for several j^ears, scarcely effected 
by the policy and intrigues of demagogues and 
aspirants after office. The attachment of the pec- 



«RiaiN or PARTIES m yiRMOWT, 193 

pie to their old governor was so general, that the pol- 
iiiciniis scnrceh' artempted to bring forward any other 
candidate lor the first office in the gift of the people, 
and neidier the honors, rior the emoluments of the 
other state ofncrs, werl~SLieh as to render them ob- 
jects of general contest or ambition. The legislature 
met ariiinaHy in the beginning of October, and 
during tl)e first week of the session they usually pro- 
ceeded to make the a])pointtnents of the civil offi- 
cers for the succeeding year, and this was done for 
several seasons without any considerable electioneer- 
ing or management. After this business was dispo- 
sed of, they proceeded to enact such laws, as were 
required by the exigc nicies of the people ; and they 
usually completed the whole business of legislation 
in about four weeks, affording to artful demagogues 
but little opportunity to acquire power, influence, or 
popularity. 

4. During this period of tranquility and union the 
legislature of Vermont adopted a digested and judi- 
cious code of laws ; and for a while nothing seemed 
to mar the general harmony. But subseqijent events 
proved this tranquility to be like those calms which 
])recede the convuisioiis of nature. Causes were 
then in ojjcration, wbicsi were destined to pro- 
duce fearful divisions and anitnosities among the 
people of the United States. The French nation, 
urged onward by their infidel philosophy, and by the 
example of America, had overthrown their establish- 
ed governnjent, abolished the ancient restraints of law 
and religion ; and they vainly imagined that they 
were on the high road to a state of perfectilnlitj, 
such as the world had nrver yet seen. 

5. The American people, grateful for the aid which 
they had received from France, and anxious that the 
blessings of liberty should be more generally diffused, 
had watched the progress of the French revolution 
with deep interest, and for a while it was generally 
believed, that Franre would become a republie %a ith 



194 HISTORY OF TERMONT. 

a government much more perfect than that of the 
United States. But when she abandoned the princi- 
ples of common sense, and discarded morah'.y and 
virtue, many of the people of thy United t*tates, 
became convinced that, itjstead of ])rornotinuf rational 
liberty, they had opened the flood-gates of anarchy, 
to be closed only by a despotism more severe than 
that under which they had previously groaned. 
Thus while a part of the people wislied to go 
forward and follow the French in pursuit of their 
ehimerical scheme of perfectibility ; another ])arty 
was fearful for the consequences, and chose rather 
to remain within the bounds of reason and experi- 
ence. 

6. In this manner the people of the United States, 
and of Vermont as a portion of the Union, gradual- 
ly became divided into two distinct parties, both of 
■which avowed their attachment to the constitution of 
the country and both desired alterations in that instru- 
ment. While one party wished to improve the consti- 
tution by increasing the powers of the government, the 
other wished to do it by rendering the govermnent 
more democratic, and thus increasing the power of the 
people. These ])arties by degrees increased in 
strength and violence, but were for several years 
much restrained in their proceedings by the virtae 
and influence of Washington, and; in Vermont, 
by the judicious administration of Governor Chit- 
tenden. 

7. The extreme simplicity which characterized 
the legislative proceedings of \'ermont, dining the 
administration of Governor Chittenden, left but little 
room for the intrigues of politicians, or for the pro- 
gress of party and faction. It was not then the cus- 
tom of the governor to make a speech at the opening 
of the legislature, and consequently the ditierent 
parties had not then a bone of corjtention about 
which to wrangle, as they had, during subsequent 
admini.strations ; and, previous to the resignation 



BIOGRAPHY OF GOV. CHITTENDKW. 195 

and death of Governor Chittenden, in 1797, ])arty 
spirit in \ eniiont cannot be said to have assutned a 
very serious aspect. As through the instni mentality 
of GoveniDr Chiltendn;, Vennont was chiefly ena- 
bled to establish her independence as a state, and as 
lie for many years held the first office in the gift of 
the peoj)le, we shall close this section with a short 
sketch of his biography. 

8. It has so happcnjed, that almost every age of 
tlie world has produced individuals, who seem to 
have been moulded, by nature, particularly for the 
exigencies of the times in which they lived. There 
have always been some master sj)irits, who were 
peculiarly fitted to control the agitated waters ^f 
public opinion, and either to soothe them into a 
calm, or else to mount upon the wind and direct the 
waves ; and the results attained under their guidance 
have usually been happy to community, or o:her- 
wise, according as the ruling motives of the leaders 
have been patriotic or selfish. These results, it is 
true, are materially affected b}^ the amount of virtue 
and intelligence among the people ; but virtue and 
intelligence do not, alone, fit an individual for 
becoming a popular and successful leader in trouble- 
some times. There is necessary, in addition to these, 
a certain indescribable tact and native energy, which 
few individuals have possessed, and which, perhaps, 
no one in our State, has manifested in a more emi- 
nent degree than Governor Chittenden. 

9. Governor Thomas Chittenden was born at 
Guilford, in Connecticut, on the 6th day of January, 
in the year 1729. At the age of about 20 years, he 
was married to Miss Elizabeth Meigs, and soon after 
removed to Salisbur}^, where, by his industry, and 
economy, be acquired a handsome landed property. 
While he resided at Salisbury he represented that 
town seven years in the Connecticut assembly, be- 
came a civil magistrate, and a colonel of the militia 
of that state. Early in the spring of 1774, he re- 



19€ BISTORT OF T.r.aMOIVT. 

ipfloved with his family to the New Hampshire grant*, 
as Vermont was then called, having purch;'s;'fl a 
tract of land on the Winooski, or Union river, in 
the township of Williston. Here he arrived in the 
month of April or May, not knowing the spot on 
which he was to locate himself, and withont having 
any habitation provided for the shelter of his family. 
At this time there were scarcely any inhabitants in 
Vermont to the northward of Rutland, and none 
within the limits of the County of Chittenden, ex- 
cepting those who had come on the })resent year. 
These were locating themselves at Burlington, Col- 
chester, and some other places. 

10. Seated upon the beautiful and fertile banks of 
the Winooski, labor, well directed in the cultivation 
of his new farm, had procured to Mr Chittenden the 
necessaiy provisions for the comfortable sustenance 
of his family, and had opened to him the prospect 
of many of the conveniences of life ; and nothing 
could be more flattering than the prospect of rural 
wealth, abundance and independence, as the natural 
and certain consequence of the labor of his hands 
and the fertility of the soil. It was in the midst of 
these improvements, and pleasing anticipations, that 
the war of the Revolution commenced, and tlie 
frontier settlements became exposed to the depreda- 
tions of the enemy — to the merciless inroads of their 
e&^mge allies. In this state of things, in 1775, Mr Chit- 
tenden was employed, with four others, as a commit- 
tee to repair to Philadelphia, and procure intelligence 
with regard to the measures which Congress was 
pursuing, and to receive advice respecting the politi- 
cal measures proper to be adopted by the j^eople of 
the New Hampshire grants. 

11. The retreat of the American army from Cana- 
da, in the spring of 1776, and the advanite of the 
British upon Lake Champlain, ren<lering it unsafe 
for the few settlers, scattered along the western bor- 
der of Vermont, te ipemain U})on their lands, this 



BtOGRAPHY OF GOV. CHITTEJSCEN. 197 

section of tho country was wholy abondoncd by the 
inl abitants, who rctii'ed into tlie southern part of the 
tiistiict, or into Massachusetts and Connecticut. Mr 
Chitteiuk^n removed his family to Arhngton, in June 
of this year, was aj)pointed President of the Council 
of Safety and soon became a leading man in the 
consultations of the inhabitants. Entering with deep 
interest into the controversy with New York res- 
pecting the titles of the lands in the New Ham})shire 
grants, and being more acquainted with public busi- 
ness than any of the settlers, in consequence of the 
offices, which he had held in his native state, he 
was universally regarded as the man most suitable to 
be placed at the head of their operations. Mr Chit- 
tenden perceived that the general struggle for inde- 
pendence, in which the colonies were now engaged, 
l)resented a favorable opportunity for terminating the 
controversy with New York, by erecting the disputed 
territory into a new state, and establishing a separate 
government; and having adopted this decisive plan 
of sound policy, he steadily pursued it, till he saw 
the independence of Vermont acknowledged by the 
neighboring states and by the general government. 
12. He wds a member of the first convention of 
delegates from the several townships, which met at 
Dorset, September 25, 1776, for the purpose of tak- 
ing into consideration the expediency of declaring 
Vermont an independent state, and at the subsequent 
meeting of the convention at Westminster, January 
15, 1777, he was one of the committee, who draught- 
ed the declaration of independence, which was 
there adopted, and also a member of another com- 
mittee, who, at that time, petitioned Congress, pray- 
ing that body to acknowledge Vermont, a free and 
hidependent state. He assisted in forming the first 
Constitution of Vermont, which was adopted by a 
Convention, July 2d, 1777, and in 1778 he was elected 
the first governor of V^ermont, which office he held 
with the exception of one year till his death. He 
17* 



198 msTORT or vv.iimosjt. 

was one of the eight persons who se©retly managed 
the negotiations with the British in Canada in 1780, 
and the three following years, with such consurvimate 
adroitness and skill as to deceive alike the British 
and the people of the United States, and effectually 
to secure Vermont from the hostilities of the enemy, 
whose forces were all this time in possession of 
Lake Champlain, and Vermont without any other 
means of defence. After the close of the war, 
Governor Chittenden again removed his family to 
Wiliiston, where he spent the r^^mainder of his ac- 
tive and useful life. Advanced in years and declining 
in health, in the sutnmer of 1797 ho resigned the 
office of governor, which he had held for 18 years, 
and died the same season, August the 25th, in the 
("j9th year of his age, heloved hy his family and friends 
and sincerely esteemed and lamented hy the people 
of Vermont. 

13. As already remarked, Governor Chittenden 
possessed in an eminent (le-gn^e, precisely those 
qualifications, which fitted him for the sphere in 
which he was caiicd upon to net. He had not, 
indeed, en}03^ed many of the advantages of educa- 
tion, but his want of education was amply compen- 
sated by the possession of a strong and active mind, 
which, at the tiuiC he emigrated to Vermont, was 
matured hy age, practised to JtHisiness, and enriched 
by a careful observance of' men and things. His 
knowledge was pracucal rather than theoretic. He 
was regular in his habits — plain and simple in his 
maimers — averse to ostentation of equij)age,and dress, 
and he cared httle for the luxuries, the blandishments 
or the etiquette of refined society. In short, though 
he was destitute of many of the qualifications now 
deemed essential in a statesman, he possessed all that 
were necessary, and none that wfM-e superflnou.'', in 
the times in which he lived, and was probably far 
better fitted to be the leader and governor of the 
independent, dauntless and hardy, but uncultivated 



I/EGISLATIVE PROQEEDINOS. 199 

Rctllers of Vermont, than would have been a man of 
more theoretic knowledge, or polite accomplish- 
ments. 



SECTION II. 

JLef^slative. proceedings in Vermont from the year 
1797 to 1812 

1. The jiopularit}' of Governor Chittenden and the 
certainty of his re-election, had hitherto prevented 
any serious efforts heinj": niatle to brin^ forward oth- 
er candidates for that office. IJut hy his resignation 
and death the political parties in Vermont were re- 
lieved from the restraints of his influence and new 
motives were laid before them to arouse their activi- 
ty and exertions. 'J he two great ])arties had already 
adopted the terms yec/eroZ and republican as the inot- 
tos of their respective standards, and from this period 
no means were leit unen)|)loyed which were sup- 
posed to be calculated to increase their respective 
influence and numbers. 

2. The re|)ublican party were believed to favor the 
principles of the French revolution, and to be desir- 
ous of rendering the govei'nment of the Union more 
democratic, while the federalists were accused of 
partiality to Groat Britain and of a wish to make the 
governujent of the United States more independent 
of the people and monarchi al in its principles. The 
great mass of both these political parties undoubted- 
ly had the good of their country at heart and differed 
but little in their views of the })roper m:,'ans of pro- 
moting it. IJut, by the influence and arts of design- 
ing politicians and demagogues these slight differ- 
ences were in time so magnified and distorted as to 
produce the most violent animosities among friends 
and neighbors. 



200 HISTORY OF VERMOjyT. 

3. At the meeting of the Vermont assembly in 
October 1797, it was found that no governor had 
been elected by the people, but that Isaac Tichenor, 
then chief justice of the state had received the lar- 
gest nmnber of votes. The choice ihen devolving 
upon the general assembly, Mr Tichenor was elect- 
ed by a large majority. He entered upon the duties 
of his office by making a speech to the legislature, 
and thus introducing into Vermont tlie custom of 
the other states. In his speech he applauded the 
state and federal coMStitutions,lully ap])roved of the 
measures of VVashinijton's administiution, and ex- 
I)ressed his entire confidence in the abilities and in- 
tegrity of Mr Adams, who was then President of the 
United States. The sentiments of the speech were 
decidedly what was called federalism. 

4. To this speech the legislature returned a re- 
spectful answer in which they say " we are not dis- 
posed to call in question the wisdom or integrity of 
those, who have been concerned in the a<lministra- 
tion of the general govermnent, nor to withhold con- 
fidence where it ought to be inspired ; but give sup- 
port and energy to every measure, which, in our 
opinion, will secure, or promote the national i)ros- 
perity." The two ])olitical parties were distinctly 
formed, but they had not yet reached that state of 
insolence and acrimony, which they were afterwards 
to exhibit, and in the transaction of the public busi- 
ness, the public good was yet obviousl}' paramount to 
the promotion of party influence and ])ovver. 

5. In October, 1798, the legislature met at Ver- 
gennes. Mr Tichenor was re-elected governor by a 
large majority. The country was now much agitated 
on account of the insolent and lawless proceed- 
ing of the French — their refusal to receive American 
embassadors and their demand of tribute imder the 
name of a loan , and the governor, in his speech, 
expressed the strongest disapprohation of their policy 
and proceedings. The house returned an answer, 



LEGISLATIVE PROCKEDINGB. 201 

imbued with the same spint of hostility to the 
French ; and both were in the highest tone of what 
was called federaSisni. 

6. Early in the session a committee was api)ointed 
to draw up an address to the President of the United 
States, which was soon after adopted hy a vote of 
yeas 129, and nays 23. In this address the principles 
and proceedings of the Fri;nch were treated with 
much asperity. It expressed the entire confidence 
of the legislature in the j)resident, and the fullest ap- 
probation of the measures of his administration, and 
declared the willingness of Vermont to take up arms, 
if necessary, for the defence of the country against 
the raj)acity of the French. To this address, Mr 
Adams afterwards returned a very polite and respect- 
ful answer, in which he complimented the people of 
Vermont for their ])atriotism and virtues, and express- 
ed the high satisfaction derived from the assurance 
of their approhation. 

7. It was during this session, that proscription, on 
account of political opinion, was first practised in 
the distribution of the civil offices in Vermont. Isra- 
el Smith, who had held the office of chief justice of 
the state, and who was a man of uncorrnpted integ- 
rity and virtue, was dropped on account of his 
attachment to the rej)ubjican party, and another per- 
son chosen chief justice in his stead. For all the 
important offices, the selections were made from 
those who were of the most decided federal princi- 
ples, and with the avowed design of encouraging 
the supporters of Mr Adams, and of checking the 
[)rogress of democracy. 

8. After the ap])ointmr?nt of the various officers 
for the current year, the ])oliticaI inflamation sub- 
sided, and the a.^sembly f)roceeded in the remaining 
business of the session vvirh their usual industry and 
good sense. It was during this session that applica- 
tion was made by some Indian chiefs in Canada, for 
compensation for lands which they claimed in Ver- 



202 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

mont. Their claim embraced nearly the whole of 
the present counties of Addison, Chittenden, Frank- 
lin and Grand Isle. The subject was referred to a 
committee, who reported that the lands claimed liad, 
in their opinion, formerly belonged to said Indians, 
but whether their title had ever been extingui.><hed 
by purchase, conquest, dereliction of occupancy, or 
in any other way they could not ascertain. The 
legislature supported the Indian agents during tlieir 
attendance, gave them a hundred dollars in token 
of friendship, and they returned to their tribes well 
j)leased with their present success and ho])ing to 
succeed still better another season. 

9. A i)roposal came before the legislature at this 
session from the state of Massachusetts for an 
amendment of the constitution of the United States, 
providing that no person, who was not a natural 
born citizen, or a citizen of the United States at the 
time of tJie declaration of independe ce, should be 
eligible to the office of president, or vice president, 
or of senator or representative in Congress. This 
proposal was perfectly agreeable to the .sentiments 
of the assend>]y, and was adopted by a vote of 152 
} eas, and only five in th enegative. 

10. In October, 1799, the legislature met at Wind- 
sor. The spirit of opposition to French principles 
and measures, continued to run high. The speech of 
Governor Tichenor highly a))plauded the energetic 
nieasm-es of Mr. Adams for putting a stop to the 
aggressions of the French upon our commerce, and 
expressed the fullest ap|)rol)aiion of the measures of 
his administration. The assembly in their answer 
to this speech, reciprocated the same sentiments, and 
congratulated his excellency on account of the ])ros- 
perity and felicity of the state under his administra- 
tion. In the appointment of civil officers, the as- 
senibl}^ proceeded with more moderation than they 
had done the preceding year ; they did not however 
see fit to replace those, who had been dropped on 



LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS. 203 

account of their attachment to the republican party. 
11. At this session the governor communica- 
ted to the assembly the r«esiilt of his inquiries 
respecting the claims of the Indians to lands in 
Vermont ; which was that said claims have been 
fully extinguished. A resolution to that effect was 
accordingly adopted by the assembly and comrnimi- 
cated to the chiefs of the six nations of Indians in- 
habiting Lower Canachi. Tlie questions which 
occasioned the most excitement and debate, related 
to sundry resolutions, which had been passed by the 
assemblies of \ irginia and Kentucky, condemning 
the proceedings of Congress in passing the alien 
and sedition laws, and declaring individual states to 
be the legal judges of the constitutionahty of the 
acts of Congress, and of the obligation ol the state 
to yield obedience to them. 

12. Resolutions were passed by the assembly of 
Vermont, expressing the most decided disapproba- 
tion of the sentiments contained in the resolutions 
from Virginia and Kejitucky. They declared that 
" it belongs not to state legislatures to decide on the 
constitutionality of the laws, made by tlie general 
government ; this pow('r being exclusively vested in 
the judiciary courts of the union." On the passage 
of these resolutions the yeas were 1(J4, and nays 52, 
which clearly shows the strength of the two ])olitical 
parties in Vermont, the federalists all being in favor 
of their adoption, and the republicans all in the 
opposition. The minority on this occasion entered 
a formal protest upon the journals of the assembly, 
assigning twelve reasons for their dissent from the 
majority. This protest was signed by thirty-three 
of those who had voted in the negative. 

13. In October, 1800, the legislature met at Mid- 
dle bury. The political excitement had apparently 
nnich subsided. In his speech. Governor Tichenor 
urged the attention of the assembly to the particular 
affairs of the state, but alluded to the administrations 



204 HISTORY or VERMONT. 

of Washington and Adams, in terms of the highest 
approbation. The answer wJiich the assembly re- 
turned was mild, moral and sentimental ; expressive 
of the difficulties of legislation, and the danger of 
being governed b}'^ passion or prejudice. The com- 
mon business of the state was transacted without 
the violence of party spirit, and several of the officers 
who were displaced on account of their republican- 
ism in 1798, were now reapi)ointed. 

14. x\nother election of president of the United 
States was soon to take place. It was known 
that a considerable majority of the Vermont ass^nibly 
were in favor of the re-election of Mr Adams; the 
republican members therefore introduced a bill provid- 
ing for the choice of electors by districts, thinking 
that method might prove more favorable to Mr 
Jeffi^rson, the republican candidate, than their ap- 
pointment in the usual way by the coimcil and 
assembly, or by any general ticket. After a long 
discussion this bill was finally rejected by a vote of 
95 to 73. By this vote it a})f)eared that the republi- 
can party had considerably increased during the past 
year and that the majority on the side of the feder- 
alists amounted to only twenty two. 

15. The Indians, having been so well supported 
and paid at their former attendance upon the legis- 
lature, again attended and urged their claims to 
lands in Vertnont. The governor informed them 
that the assetnbly had decided that they had no 
title or just claim to any lands in Vermont — that 
the assembly had voted to give them $50 to defray 
their expenses on their return to their own nations — 
but that no niore money would be given them either 
to purchase their claiujs, or to defray their expenses. 
These decided measures brought the affair with the 
Indians to a close. During this session was also 
passed an act incorporating and estaiilishing a college 
at Middlebury by a vote gf 117 to 51. 

16. The events of 180], gave a new aspect to 



LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS. 205 

political affairs. Mr A' lams lost the election, and 
after repeated trials, Mr Jefferson was elected presi- 
dent of the United States, by a majority of one 
vote. He entered upon the duties of the office on 
the 4th of March, and in liis inaugural address, he 
disclaimed tiie principles of political intolerance, 
nrged those of candor and magnanimity, and de- 
clared that the difference of political opinions was 
not a ditference of principles. Notwithstanding the 
apparent diversity of sentiment with regard to the 
federal constitution and government " we are," said 
he, " all federalists, we are all republicans." 

17. By so frank an avowal of his political opinions 
an<l intentions, the candid of all parties were led 
to believe that party factions and animosities were 
about to come to an end, and that ail would now 
unite in support of the federal government. This 
was the case in Vermont. But a short time how- 
ever, elapsed before the United States attorney and 
marshall, for the district of Vermont, were removed 
from office, and their places filled by persons of de- 
cided re})ublican sentiments. Similar changes were 
made in other states, and it was now believed that 
Mr Jefferson, notwithstanding his professions, would 
make his own political sentiments a necessaiy 
qualification for office. 

18. In this state of }>ublic affairs the legislature of 
Vermont met at Newbury in Octol)er. 1801. In the 
house of representatives, the republican party now 
had a majority of about twenty, antl it was now 
generally supposed that they would adopt the same 
course pursued by the federalists in 1798, and make 
all the appointments to office from their own politi- 
cal party. But this was not the case. Three new 
judges were aj)pointed for the supreme court ; but 
they were not selected on account of their political 
opinions, but on account of their supposed qualifica- 
tions for the office. In the other appointments they 
followed the customary method of regarding the 

IS 



206 HISTORY OF TERMONT. 

county nomination, and looked rather to the qualifi- 
cations of the candidate tlian to his political opinions. 
The customary husiness of legislation was pursued 
with diligence, cahnne.ss and iinpartiahty. 

19. In 17ii8, the federalists had introduced the 
custom of addressing the president of the United 
States, and the repuhlican party, having now gained 
the ascendency, thought it necessary to imitate the 
example, hy a res})ectfid address to Mr Jefferson. 
A conjmitlee wasa])pointed,and jm address reported, 
expressive of strong attachment to the constitution, 
and to the person and political opinions of tlie presi- 
dent, but containing no reflections upon the fornjer 
administration. \Vhen this address was brought 
before the house for their adoption, the federalists 
proposed a trifling alteration in some of the exf)res- 
sions, which the opjjosite party supposed was design- 
ed to prevent any addrcv^^s being njade. A debate 
now arose about words and phrat^cs, which gratlualiy 
increased in power and violence, till the sj>irit of 
party was wrought almost to phn nsy and ruadness. 
This debate was continued on three successive days, 
and ten times were votes taken ui)on it by yeas and 
nays. At length after some slight alterations the ad- 
dress was finally adopted by a vote of 86 yeas to 59 
nays. 

20. In October 1802, the legislature n)et at Bur- 
lington, and Mr Tichenor vv^as found to be re-elected 
governor by a respectable majority. In his speech 
he adverted to the alan:iing progress of party spirit, 
and to the dangers to be a])prehen(ied from it to our 
political institutions. The house, as usual, appoint- 
ed a conimittee who re})orted an answer to the 
speech. This answer was intended not only as an 
answer to the governor but a declaration of the sen- 
timents of the house with regard to the present and 
preceding administrations of the general govern- 
ment It was written in a peculiar style, abounding 
in sly insinuations, fulsome adulation, and ambigu- 



iroiSLATlVK PROCEEDINGS. 207 

ous paragraphs. The debate upon this answer was 
warm and spirited, but if was finally adoptcsj with- 
out alteration by a vote or' 93 to 85. The minority 
entered upon the journals of the house, a protest 
against this answer signed by 59 members. 

21. After this business was disposed of, and to 
prevent similar occasious of e.\f'item(Mit, one of the 
members gra\ ely introduced a motion to recommend 
that the governor sJioidd not hereafter make a formal 
speech. This motion was however deei<led in the 
negative, and happily no other business was brought 
forward wliicli was calculated to arouse the prejudi- 
ces, or inflanie the minds of the members. The 
republican majority was evidently less than it was 
the pn^ceding year, and did not venture to hazard 
the adoption of violent or yjroscriptive measures. 
The appointments were mostly made from the ref)ub- 
lican party, but the business of the session gene- 
rally was nianaged with [)rudence and moderation. 

22. In 1803, the legislature met at Westminster. 
Every part of the country was now agitated liy po- 
litical intrigues and debates. Tlic governor operted 
the session as usual with a speech ; but he carefully 
avoided political questions, and called the attention 
of the legislature immediately to the business of the 
state. A committee was appointed, who re})orted an 
answer to his excellency's speech, which was adop- 
ted without debate, and nothing occiuTed to call up 
the feelings of [)arty, till the apj)ointment of civil 
officers came on. Tlie republicans had a small ma- 
jority in the house, and they now resolved to employ 
it in weakening their oj)i)onents. Several ot the 
judges were displaced, and men of more apj)roved 
republican principles appointed in their places, and 
the work of proscription oji account of political 
opinions was now carried ftirther than it was by the 
federalists in 1798. 

23. The subject of banks first came before the 
legislature at this session. Petitions were received 



208 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

from Windsor and Burlington to be allowed to estab- 
li«!h haiiks ti) ilioso io\v;,o ; Li;: iLo Icglsiauire was 
so little acquainted with the nature and tendency of 
such institutions, that they judgful it prudent to refer 
the subjct to the next session of the legislature. It 
was expected that proposals would be received from 
Congress during this session to amend the constitu- 
tion of the United States, so as to oblige the electors 
to distinguish, on the votes given in, the person 
intended for president from the one intended for 
vice president. As it was supposed that the adop- 
tion of this amendment would secure the re-election 
of Mr Jefferson, the republican members were ex- 
tremely anxious to act upon it before they adjourned. 
But, finding that it would require the session to be 
protracted to an unreasonable length, they decided 
upon an adjourned meeting, to be held at Windsor, 
on the last Tuesday of January. 

24. In January, 1804, the legislature met at Wind- 
sor according to adjoiu'iiment, and the pro{)osed 
amendment was laid before them. After sonje de- 
bate the amendment was adopted by the asseml)ly ; 
yeas 93, nays 64. This same question was before 
the legislature in 1799, and was |)asse(l in the affir- 
mative by a vote of 94 to 42. In this case all the 
federalists voted in favor of the proposed alteration, 
and all the republicans against it ; but in 1804, all 
the republicans were in favor of the amendment, and 
all tlie federalists opposed to it. Thus it appears 
that both parties had totally changed their votes in 
the course of four years, and that they had either 
charged their principles, or that they acted without 
principle. 

25. In October, 1804, the legislature held their 
annual session at Rutland. At this session another 
pro])osal for amending the constitution of the United 
States came before the assenibly. This originated in 
Massachusetts, and its object was to apportion the 
representatives from the several states according to 



LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS. 209 

the number of free wliite inhabitants, to the exclusion 
of those elected on account of the slaves in any 
state : This |)ro|)osal was rejected hy a vote of 106 
to 76. The cu8tc>iiiary l)iisiness of liie sessi(,n was 
transacted vvilh exjjeditiou and ])roj>riety. Coni}t]aiiJt 
havino' been made, that the judjiics of the supreme 
court had taken ilh'jrai fees, a committee was appoint- 
ed towards the close of the session to inquire into 
the subject. The connnitlee reported the facts, and 
that in iheir opinion, f(;es had been taken agrcM-ably 
to tiie fee bill. The house acce{)ted the n^port so 
far as it related to the facts, but not as to the opinion 
^iven of the legality of the proceedingsof the judges. 
The legislature then adjourned, leaving the matter in 
this state of indecision. 

26. In October, 18C5, the assembly met at Dan- 
ville. The governor's speech related ])rincipal!y to 
the internal affairs of the state, and, neither that nor 
the answei', which was returned by the assembly, 
was calculated to arouse party feelings, or afford sub- 
jects of controversy, tlie com})Iaints against the 
judges for taking illegal fees was again taken up and 
occupied the asseml)ly for several days, and gave rise 
to much warm <lebate. It was, liowever, finally 
^^ Resolved, That it is the sense of tliis house, that the 
fees taken by the judges of the supreme court, were 
taken with upright views, and that no further order 
ought to be taken on the subject." This resolution 
was passed by a vote of 100 to 82. 

27. At this session two more proposals for amend- 
ing the constitution of the United States, came before 
the legislature. One from North Carolina, having 
for its object to em))Ower Cougress to pass a law to 
prevent the further imj>oriation of slaves into the 
United States, and the other Iroin Kentucky, the 
object of which was to diminish the powers of the 
United State's courts. The former proposal was 
adopted by the assembly without debate or opposition, 
and the latter was referred to the next session of the 

18* 



210 HISTORY or VEtlMONT. 

legislature. An act was passed at this session em- 
powering die governor to take measures for ascertain- 
ing the true north line of the state, and another act 
fixing upon Montpelier as the permanent seat of the 
government of the state, from and after the year 1808. 

29. The next session of the legislature was held 
at Middlehury in Octoi;er, 1806. Mr Tichenor was 
again re-elected governor by a respectable majority, 
notwithstanding the eflbrts made bj"^ the republican 
party to prevent it. His opponents, however, had 
a considerable niajority in the ast5erDl)ly, and in their 
answer to the governor's s])eech, they did not attempt 
to conceal their hostility to the measures, which he 
had rectommended. When the resolutions from 
Kentucky, which had been laid over by the former 
assemiJy, came up, the house resolved itself into a 
committee of the whole, and after some debate adop- 
ted tlie proposed amendment by a vote of 148, to 
34; thus manifesting their desire to increase their 
own powers by diminishing those of the general 
government. It being reported that Mr Jefferson in- 
tended to retire to private life at the close of his first 
term of office, the assembly drew up a respectful 
address to hiin, which was intended to induce him 
to become a condidate for re-election. An act was 
also passed at this session establishing a state bank 
consisdng of two brandies, one at Woodstock and 
the other at Middlehury. 

30. In October, 1807, the legislature met at Wood- 
stock, and, on counting the votes, Israel Smitfi, the 
republican candidate, was found to be elected gover- 
nor in opposition to Mr Tichenor. In ins spee.'h, 
the governor confined his remarks to the internal 
affairs of the state, and particular'y suggested such 
alterations in the criminal jurisj)rudence of the state, 
a^ to substitute confinement to hard labor in the place 
of corporeal punishment. In conformity to these 
suggestions an act was passed during the session 
establishing a state penitentiary at Windsor and 



LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS, 211 

niakinf!' the necessary appropriations for carrying it 
into effect. 

31. The legislature assembled for tho first time at 
Montpelier, the established capital of the state, in 
October J 808. Mr 'i'ichenor was elected governor, 
in opposition to Mr Snjitl), who had held the office 
the preceding year. In his speech he expressed a 
decided disapprobation of the leading measures of 
Mr Jefferson's administration. The republicans 
having a niajority in the asseml)!y returned an an- 
swer, in which they expressed the fullest confidence 
in the president, and a lioarty aj)prova! of his meas- 
ures. No subject of unconinion interest was brought 
forward at this session, and the ordinajy business was 
disposed of in the usual manner. 

32. In 1809, the republican party succeeded in 
electing Jonas Galusha governor, in opposition to 
Mr Tichenor, who had filled that office with fidelity 
for eleven years. The governor's speech and the 
reply to it by the assembly, were expressive of the 
political oj)inions entertained by the republican party 
generally throughout the union. At this session an 
address was adopted congratulating James Madison 
upon his elevation to the presid^"ncy. A j)roposed 
amendment to the federal constitution from ^ irginia 
also came before the assembly, the object of which 
was to enable state legislatures to remove theii- sena- 
tors in Congress from office, when they should deem 
it expedient. The amendment was however rejec- 
ted by a majority of the house. 

33. In 1810, 1811 and 1812, Mr Galusha was 
successively re-elected governor of the state, and the 
republican party had each year a majority in the 
assembly. The spirit of {)arty now run extremely 
high, but the usual business of the state continued to 
be transacted with fidelity. In 1811, another propo- 
sal for anjending the constitution of the United 
States came before the assembly. This amendment 
eclared th at any citizen, who should accept any 



212 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

title of nobility or honor, or any ])ension or emolu- 
ment, from any foreign })ower, wirliout the consent 
of Connress, such person shall cease to he a citizen 
of the United States. The amendment was adopted 
by the assenjbly. Tlie year 1812 is memorable 
on account of the declaration of war, by the United 
States against Great Britian. We shall not attempt 
to give the particulars of this war, and still it will 
probably he expected that we sliould at least give a 
sketch of the tiansactions within our own borders 
and in which our own citizens were more particularly 
concerned ; and this we shall attempt to do in the 
following section. 



SECTION III. 



Legislative proceedings from 1812 to 1815 — War 
With Great Britain — Events on Lcik.e Champtain 
Battle at Plattsburgh. 

1. On.r limits will by no means permit us to inves- 
tigate the causes by which the United States were 
led to engage in the second war with Great Britian, 
nor to mention any of the events of that war except 
such as transpired in our innnediate vicinity. Caus- 
es of comi>laint had existed for several yenrs, which, 
as early as 1809, led to the passage of a law by 
Congress, interdicting all commercial intercourse 
wi^h Great Britian. On the 3d of Aj>ril, 1812, Con- 
gress laid an embargo upon all the shipping within 
the jurisdiction of the United States for 90 days, and 
on the ]8th of June following, an act v/as passed 
declaring war with Great Britain. On the passage 
of this act the vote stood as follows ; iti the house of 
representatives yeas 79, nays 49, and in the senate 
yeas 19, nays 1.3. The princi[)al causes which led 
to the adoption of this measure were declared to be 
the impressment of American seamen by the Britisli- 



LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDIiNGS. 213 

the plundering of American commerce, and the 
British onlers in connril." 

2. In October, 1812, the lefrislature of Vermont 
assembled at M( ntpelier. In his speech Governor 
Gahisha urged the assembly to second the measures 
of the j»eneral government — provide the means for 
the defence of our own citizens, and for sustaining 
our national righis and honor. The assembly return- 
ed an answer lully concinring in the sentiments of 
the governor; but thinking the exigencies of the 
times demanded a more explicit avowal, they resol- 
ved that since war had been declared l)y the consti- 
tuted authority of the country "we })ledge ourselves 
to each other and to our government, that with our 
individual exeitions, our example and influence, we 
will support our government and country in the 
present contest, and rely upon the great Arbiter of 
events for a favorable result." 

8. The above resoltuion was passed by a vote of 
128 to 79. But the muiorit}' were not silent. Tiiey 
entered a protest u[)on the journaiS of the house in 
which they declared the resolution to be subversive 
of the true principles of a i.repul)lican govern?nent, 
and also expressed their d(;cided disapprobation 
of the leading measures of the administration, pro- 
nouncing the declaration of war to be premature 
and impolitic. The majority, however, i)roceeded 
to act up to the sjiirit of their resolve, and passed a 
law, prohibiting all intercourse between the people 
of Vermont and Canada, without a permit from the 
governor, under a penalty of $1000 fine, and seven 
years confinement at hard labor in the state's prison. 
They also passed an act exempting the person and 
property of fhe militia while in actual service, from 
attachment — an act, laying a tax of one cent per 
acre on the lanils in the state, in addition to the usual 
assessments, and other acts relating to the detaching 
and paying of the militia. 

4, These legislative regulations proving oppres- 



214 HISTOilY or VERMONT. 

sive to the people, many of the supporters of the 
war abandoned the republican ranks and went over 
totlie opposition. As the elections in 1813 approach- 
ed botl) parties exerted to the utmost every means in 
their power to gain or preserve the ascendency. 
When the assembly came together in October, it 
was foimd that neitner candidate for governor had 
been elected by the people. On atietnpting a choice 
by the assembly, they were found to i)e divided into 
two parties exactly equal. After much manoeuvreing 
and several trials, Martin Chittenden, the federal can- 
didate was elected by a small majority. The senti- 
ments of the governor's speech and of the answer to 
it, were in the highest tone of federalism and conse- 
quently in direct opposition to the war and the 
measures of the general government. The minority, 
75 in number however, protested against these senti- 
ments and entered their reasons upon the journals 
of the house. 

5. The federalists having now the ascendency, 
nearly all the appointments to office were made 
from that party: after whicli the legislature proceed- 
ed to repeal the several laws betbre mention(Hl which 
had been enacted the preceding year. The spirit 
of ])arty was now wrought up to the highest pitch, 
and the parties did not hesitate to brand each other 
with the op))robrious names of tories, traitors and 
enemies to their country. The enmity was such as 
to destroy the harmony and intercourse of families 
and neighbors and at times they seemed to be on 
the eve of proceeding to open hostilities. 

6. The smuggling Ijusiness led to frequent encoun- 
ters between the smugglers and custom-house-ofRcers, 
during the war and the non intercourse which preced- 
ed it, in some of which blood was shed and lives lost. 
The first serious afij-ay of this kind took place on Win- 
ooski river, at Burlington in 1808, between a party in 
the employ of the custom department and a smuggling 
vessel called the Black Snake. In this encounter 



LOSS or THE GROWLER AND EAGLE. 215 

two men were killed by the smugglers. The smug- 
glers were, however, taken and tried by a special 
court at Burlington. Dean, one of them, was execu- 
ted and the others, excey)ting Day who was dischar- 
ged, were sentenced to the State's prison. Franklin 
county was the scene of frequent skirmishes. The 
smugglers usnally travelled in the night and went in 
so large con)j>anies and so wedl armed as to make it 
very dangorous business for the custom-house offi- 
cers to interrupt them. Similar disturbances were 
couunon all along our northern frontier. 

7. About the fiist of September, J 813, Samuel 
Beach of Canaan in the nortlieast corner of the state 
had a permit from the governor to go into Canada to 
re[)air a mill dam. He sent forward his workmen 
with a team, which was taken from them l>y John 
Dennett and others, and driven back. Beach in at- 
tempting to recover his team was fired upon by Den- 
nett aisd killed. Dennett and his associates were ta- 
ken and confined in jail, from which he escaped in 
January following to the neighboring forests, where 
he continued till the next August, when lie was re- 
taken, but not till after he was mortally wounded by 
liis j)ursuers. It appeared that Dennett resisted and 
was shot while attempting to kill Mr Morgan, by a 
Mr. Sperry another of^the pursuers. 

8. In the smnmer of 1812 some preparations were 
made on lake Champlain to oj)})osc the naval force of 
the British. Nothing, however, occurred on the lake 
worthy of notice till the 2(1 of June 1813. On that 
day the Growler and Eagle sailed from Plattsburgh un- 
der the command of Lieut Smith in y)ursuit of some 
British gun boats which had made thf^ir appeal ance 
on the lake. On the following morning, when near 
Canada line, they were led in pursuit of the boats, in- 
to shoal water near the shore, where the Eagle ground- 
ed and became unmanageable, and after four hours 
hard fighting they were obliged to surrender to the 
British. Or the 36th of July, a detachment of the Brit- 



216 HISTORY or VERMONT. 

ish about 1400 strong landed at Platfsbnr^h, where 
they destroyed the American barracks, esrirncited to be 
worth $25,000, and niucli other property, both j)Libnc 
and private. The public stores having been i)revions- 
ly removed to Burhngton the enemy proceeded thith- 
er and fired a few shot upon the town, but as soon as 
the cannon began to play upon them from the shore 
they retired. 

9. On the 20th of August the Americans had equip- 
ped a naval force upon lake Champlain consisting of 
the President, carrying 12 guns, Com. Prehle 11, 
Montgojnery, 11, Frances, 6, and two gun boats and 
six scows carrying one gun each, n)akingin the whole 
48 guns. With this force Com. Macdonougli sailed 
from Burlington to the lines in Se|)temb r and offered 
battle to the enemy, but they declined and retired in- 
to Canada. The northen arujy was assemi)led at Bur- 
lington under the commatid of Gen. Hampton and 
consisted of about 4000 men. Early in Se})tember 
this army was embarked at Burlington and landed at 
Cumberland head near Plattsburgh. OntheOtn they 
proceeded to Chazy and attacked the enemy's advan- 
ed post at Odietown. 

10. Finding it impracticable to make his way into 
Canada by that route, Hampton returned to Cham- 
plain and took the route to Chatagnay, where he ar- 
rived on the 25th. Col Clark was in the mean time 
detached and ordered to attack a small British force 
at St Armand on Mssisco bay! He found the enemy 
drawn u[) under Maj. Powel, but wholly unexpecting 
an attack by land, and, after an action often minutes 
they surrendered themselves prisoners of war. The 
American force engaged was 102, and the number 
of prisoners taken and sent to Burlington was 101. 
Nine of the enemy were killed and 14 wounded. 
The army under Gen. Hampton engaged with the 
enemy at Chataguay on the 26th of October, but be- 
ing unsuccessful and the season far advanced, he soon 
after returned into winter quarters at Plattsburgh. 



EVENTS ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 217 

11. A hrifrnde of Vermont militia, wliich had been 
(Iraficd into tli ' service of the United States and 
niarcliod to PlattsbiirjN^I), were on tije lOth of Novem- 
ber discliarged from service by a proclamation of 
Governor Ciiittendon and onlered to return home. 
To this order the officers of said brigade refused obe- 
dience and returned a written protest against it. The 
niir-in, !'r>vvovt;r. r.'friiiCii \y-'{\>vi rhjir tune of ser- 
vic<' «'.\pir«-d, and no Uirihi r notice was taken of the 
transaction. Commodore Macoonough went into win- 
ter qiiariers at Octer creek with his flotilla on the 
19th of Decem!)er. Thus terminated the northern 
campaign for 1813. 

1*?. In the spring of 1814, the northern army, hav- 
ing been p'ac; (i imdcM- (r ji ral Wilkinson, advanced 
from Platrs[)nrgh along the west side of the lake and 
entered Cana-'a. After an unsuccessful attack upon 
the stone mills at La Cole, and some other skirmish- 
es, in which the Americans lost about 100 in killed 
and wounrled, they found it necessary to retreat. In 
the mean time Connnodore Macdonough was making 
every effort to get in readiness in Otter creek, a suf 
ticient naval force to match that of the enemy upon 
the lake. On the 14tli of May the enemy's fleet, con- 
sisting of a brig, three sloo|)s and 13 gallies passed 
up the lake and opened a spirited fire upon the bat- 
tery at the mouth of Otter creek, with a view of forc- 
ing their way up the creek and destroying the Ameri- 
can shipping before it should be ready for service. 
But in this they were unsuccessful. They were re- 
j)ulsed by the garrison and Vermont militia, and soon 
after returned to the northward, 

13. About the last of May, Commodore Macdonough 
entered the lake with his flotilla and proceeded to 
Plattsburgh, and afterwards advanced nearer the lines, 
but nothing of consequence occured on the lake till 
the latter part of the season. About the first of Sep- 
tember Governor Prevost entered the territory of th« 
United States at the head of 14000 men and ad van- 
19 



1818 HISTORY or VERMONT. 

ce3 towards Plattsburgh, which was garrisoned by 
only one brigade untler General Macomb ; the main 
northern army having rrjarched to the wesiward. On 
the 7th of September the enemy a})peared before 
Plattsburgh, and were employed in getting on their 
battering train, erecting l)atteries, and in skirmishes 
with the Americans, but did not make a general as- 
sault till the arrival of their flotilla. 

14. In the mean time every effort was made to call 
in the neighboring militia. Expresses were sent into 
Vermont; and the Green Mountain Boys, without dis- 
tinction of party, shouldered their guns and hastened 
forward to repel invasion ; and in the y)art which they 
took in the subsequent conflict they nobly sustained 
their high character for firmness and bravery. The 
American land force however continued much infe- 
rior to that of the British. Tlie British force u})on 
the lake was also supei'ior to the American. It was 
commanded by Commodore Downie and consisted of 
a iHgate of 39 guns, a brig of ]6, tv/o sloops of II 
each and 13 gun boats carrying 18 guns, amounting 
in the whole to 95 guns, and manned l\v 1050 men. 
The American force under Commodore Macdonough 
consisted of the Saratoga of 26 guns, the eagle, of 20, 
Ticonderoga of 17, the Preble of 7 and 10 gun boats 
carrying 16 guns, amounting in iliu whole to 86, and 
manned by 820 men. 

15. x\s it was generally understood to be the in- 
tention of the British to make an attack l>oth by land 
and water at the same time, Comujodore Macdonough 
determined to await the approach of the enemy's 
squadron at anchor in Plattsburgh bay. Early in the 
morning of the 11th of September the lookout boat 
announced the approach of the enenw, and about 9 
o'clock they anchored in a line about 300 yards from 
the American squadron. In this situation the whole 
force on both sides became engaged. The conflict 
was exceedingly obstinate ; the enemy fought with 
great bravery, but the superiority of the American 



BATTLK AT PLATTt BUR&U. «X£> 

gunnery prevailed over the enemy's superior force. 
Alter an action of two lionia and twenty minutes the 
fire of the enemy was silenced, and J>er frigate, hrig 
and two sloops wore surrendered to the Americana. 
Some of their gnllies were sunk and the others made 
their escape. The British lost in this action 84 kill- 
ed and 110 wounded. Amongt he killed were Commo- 
dore Dowuie and three Lieutenants. The American 
loss was 52 killed and 58 wounded. Among the 
former were Lic^utejiants Gamble and Stansbury. 

16. The commencement rf the naval action seem- 
ed to be the signal ior a general assault by land. The 
enemy opened their batteries upon the American 
works and at the same time attempted to cross the 
Saranac atid f^ain the rear of the Americans. The 
Americans ke})t up a destructive fire from their forts 
and met the enemy at every point with the most de- 
termined bravery. As soon as it was known that 
their fleet had surrendered the enemy relinquished 
all their hopes and began making arrangements for 
a retreat. During the afternoon and night all the 
eneufv's forces were witjjdrawn and they retired 
with such precipitation, and were so closely pursued 
by the Americans, that they were obliged to leave 
behind their vi^ounded, and large quantities of provi- 
sions, amunition and military stores. The whole 
loss of the enemy upon land, in killed, wounded, pris- 
oners and deserters, exceeded 2500 men. The aggre- 
gate loss of the Americans did not exceed 150. 

17. After the battle at Plattsburgh nothing further 
occured upon lake Champlain worthy of notice dur- 
ing the war. The legislature of Vermont assembled 
as usual in October, and it again appeared that no 
governor had been elected by the sufFiages of the 
people. The legislature then proceeded to the choice 
of a governor and Martin Chittenden was elected by 
a majority of 29 votes. Much complaint having been 
made because the governor did not order out the 
mihtia for the defence of Plattsburgh, instead of call- 



920 mSTOHT or ^ERMOItT. 

ing upon them as volunteers, he adverted to that sub- 
ject in his speech by saying, that, as no portion of 
our mihtia had been detaclied by tlie Piesident for 
the service of the United States, a call upon onr pa- 
triotic citizens for their volinitary services was, in this 
case, considered to be the only mode by which effi- 
cient and timely aid could be afforded. 

16. He spoke in the highest term of the officers 
and men employed in repelling the enemy and in 
teaching them the " mortifying lesson, that the soil of 
freedom will not bear the tread of hostile feet with 
impunity ;" and declared their "achievements were 
not surpassed in the records of naval and military 
warfare." But while he acknowledged with giatitude, 
the interposition of Providence for preventing the de- 
signs of the enemy and saving our borders from the 
desolations of war, he declared that his opinion of the 
propriety of the war remained unaltered — that he 
" conscientiously disapproved of it as imnecessary, 
■;:nwise and hopeless in all its offensive operations." 
To this speech the house retinned a dignified and 
respectful answer, reciprocating the sentiments of 
his excellency with regard to the transactions at 
Platte I urgh, and pledging to him their cordial co- 
operation in measures calculated to promote the pub- 
lic good, 

17. At this session a resolution was adopted express- 
ing th^ thanks of the legislature to General Macomb 
and his compatriots in arms — to General Strong and 
the patriotic volunteers from Vermont under his com- 
mand, and to Commodore Macdonough and the offi- 
cers and crew of his squadron, in testimony of their 
high sense of their bravery and good conduct on the 
memorable 11th of September, 1814, by which the 
enemy were repulsed bv land, and their squadron 
captured upon the lake. In the furtlier consideration 
of his services, the legislature passed an art granting 
t3 Commodore Macdonough a farm belonging to Ver- 
mont, and lying upon Cumberland head, and in full 



iniCA'ry of peack wfiH orea.t brita.I'H. 251 

x\G\v of flie late naval engagement in which he had 
acquiivii so much honor. A communication was re- 
ceived (luring this session fron) the legislature of Mas- 
sachusetis juviting Vermont to appoint delegates to 
meet delegates from the other New England States 
at Hartford, Connecticut, to take into consideration 
the state of the Union. But, by a vote of the assem- 
bly, this invitation was unanimously declined. 

20. From this period the violence of ])arty spirit 
in Vermont began rapidly to ahate. The invasion of 
our territory by the fleets and armies of the enemy, had 
imited the feelings of parties in the common defence, 
and many, who were at first opi)osed to the war, were 
now convinced that the good of their country demand- 
ed the luiited efforts of all our citizens in prosecuting 
it ro an honorable and successful termination. On the 
24!h of December, 1814, a treaty of peace was signed 
at Ghent between Great Britain and America by their 
respective plenipotentiaries. The tumults of war now 
ceased — the gloom which overhung our land was 
dispersed, and all were rejoiced to see our soldiers re- 
converted into citizens — our implements of war into 
instruments of husbandry and to hear the peaceful 
hum of business instead of the roar of cannon and the 
trumpet of 'war. 



SECTION IV. 



Lefrislai^-'? proceedings from 1814 to Vm close of the 
year 1832. 

1. Before the meeting of the assembly in 1815, 
peace had been restored to the country, and many of 
the causes wh'ch had agitated the conmiunity had- 
disai)[)eared. The republican party had now gained 
the ascendency in the state, and Mr Gahjsha was 
again elected governor by the people, by a haudiome 



223 



HISTOftT or rSftMOHT. 



majority. The governor's speech contained nothing 
to revive the violence of party. He alluded to the storm 
of war which had just j)assed over their heads and 
was now succeeded bj'^ the calm and sunshine of 
peace, and then invited the attention of the legisla- 
ture to the immediate business of the state. Among 
the acts passed at this session was one granting to a 
company the exclusive right of navigating lake 
Champlain by steam for 23 years. This act was af- 
terwards found to be unconstitutional and void. 

2. The spring and summer of 1816, were remark- 
ably cold. Snow fell to the depth of several inches 
in all parts of Vermont on the 8th of June, and from 
the general failure of the crops there was an uncom- 
mon scarcity of provision. Mr Galusha was this 
year re-elected governor, and, in his speech, he cal- 
led the attention of the legislature to the encourage- 
ment of manufactures. The customary answer to 
his excellency's speech this year gave rise to a sj)irit- 
ed debate, in which the federal party were treated 
with great asperity, on account of the vote of the 
representatives in Congress, from Vermont, who were 
federalists, by which the pay of the representatives 
was increased contrary to the wishes of the freemen 
of Vermont. With this session terminated the prac- 
tice of returning an answer to the governor's speech, 
which had, from the first election of Mr Ticiienor in 
1797, every year consumed nnich time, and often 
given rise to the most violent contentions 

3. At the three following elections in 1817, 1818. 
and 1819, Mr Galusha was successively chosen gov- 
ernor of the state, and nothing occurred to excite 
the violence of party, or to interrupt the general 
prosperity. Bountiful harvests rewarded the toil of 
the husbandman, and the blessings arising from tlie 
diifiision of knowledge, the success of the mechanic 
ai*ts, and the influence of good government were 
generally diffused. In 1817, the president of the 
United States, Mr Monroe, in his tour through the 



LEGISLATIVK PROCEEDINGS. 223 

middle and eastern states, passed through Vermont, 
and every wliere received tlie respect due to his 
dignified office, and the gratitude merited by a life 
devoted to the service of his country. 

4. In lftl9, the usual business of the legislature 
was transacted with imanimity, and, among other 
things, a resolution was adopted approving in the 
highest terms of the measures and objects of the 
American Colonization Society. 3IrGalusha having 
signified his intention to retire from public life, the 
house adopted a respectful address to him on 
the occasion, in which they say that, "on a re- 
view of the events of the memorable struggle of our 
fathers for independence, we find you in early life 
on the banks of the Walloomsuc, with your patriotic 
hand teaching thi'in boldly to defend their country. 
In discharging the dutiiis of councillor, judge and 
governor, you have ever merited and received the 
ap!)robation of your fellow citizens." 

5. In 1820, Richard Skinner, formerly chief justice 
of the state, was elected governor. In his speech, 
he presented a clear view of the evils resulting from 
the frequent alterations in the public statutes, and 
he expressed as his opinion, tbat the present organi- 
zation of the Vermont judiciary, was calculated for 
the despatch of business and to jirevent the multipli- 
cation of lawsuits. At this session a resolution was 
passed remonstrating against the admission of Mis- 
souri into the union with a constitution legalizing 
slav- ry, and the cruel and unnatural traffic in human 
blood, and instructing their senators and representa- 
tives in Congress, to exert their influence and use all 
legal measin-es to prevent it. 

6. In 1821, Mr Skinner was again elected gover- 
nor. In his s|)eech, the governor informed the as- 
seml)ly that he had received communications from 
Maryland and New Hampshire, respecting the ap- 
propriation of the public lands belonging to the 
United States, to the several states for the benefit of 



224 msTORT or TsiajviONT. 

education, and said that the j)eop]e of Vermont " could 
feel no delicacy in ?nakin^- a claim of this kind, for 
no one of tiie UnitHd States, in proportion to their 
ability, co)itribnte(] more to the acquisition of tjjose 
rights, wjiich were purchased by tlie toil, distresses 
and sacrifices of the revolutionary war. Situated on 
the frontier, they constituted the barrier between the 
enemy and the confederated states. Not having 
been acknowledged as a member of the confedera- 
tion, no part of the expense they incurred in the war 
has been assumed by the general government, while 
they have participatt;d in the burden of tin; public 
debt." In conformity with these suggestions, reso- 
lutions were passed declaring the right of each of 
the states to a participation in the benefits of the 
public lands and requesting our delegation in Con- 
gress to use their endeavors to ])rocnre the passage 
of an act appropriating to the use of the state of 
Vermont, for the pur(>oses of ethication, such por- 
tion of the public lands as should be equitable and 
just. 

7. Mr Skinner was again elected governor in 1822. 
In his speech he called the attention of the legislature 
particular!)^ to the subject of manuf'actures. The com- 
mittee on manufactures to whom this part of his ex- 
cellency's speech was referred, made a repoit, in 
which they say " Vermont can raise as fine wool as 
any quarter of the globe, and her mountains roll 
down their thousand streams to aid us in its manu- 
facture. It also abounds in ores, and minerals, and for- 
ests upon which the industry and ingenuity of our citi- 
zens might operate to great advantage, could suffi- 
cient capital be allured to these objects by the pat- 
ronage of our laws." In compliance with a recom- 
mendation of the governor att act was passed de- 
claring all contracts void where interest should be 
taken, or secured, at a higher rate than six per cent 
per annum. 

8. Mr Skinner having signified his wish no longer 



LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS. 225 

to be considered a candidate for the office of govern- 
or, at the meeting of the legislature in 1823, Mr Van 
Ne.«s was found to he elected in his stead. In his 
speech he invited the attention of the legislature to 
the immediate concerns of the state, hut was not sen- 
sii)le that any material alteration in the laws were at 
that time demanded. He discouraged all change 
which was not particularly necessary, as producing 
imcertainty in law, and thereby occasioning perplex- 
ing and e\{)ensive law suits. An act was passed at 
this session prohihiting horse-racing, under a penalty 
of the forfeiture of the horses and money staked ; 
but ffw alterations were made in the existing laws. 

9. In 1824 Mr Van Ness was re-elected governor 
without opposition. In compliance with the recom- 
mendation of the governor, an act was passed at this 
session, giving tho choice, of electors of president 
and vice president to the people by a general ticket. 
General La Fayette having arrived in this country 
on the 17th of August, a committee of the legisla- 
ture reported that " as a nation we owed to him a 
debt of gratitude, and that Vermont, in common with 
her sister states, would rejoice in an opportunity of 
manifesting it." A resolution was accord ingl}^ passed 
requesting the governor, in behalf of the people of 
this state, to invite General La Fayette to extend, his 
tour into \ eiinont and hojior its citizens with his 
presence. On the 4th of July 1825, La Fayette 
entered Vermont for the first tinie at Windsor, where 
he was joyfidiy received by the governor, and a nu- 
merous body of citizens assembled to welcome the 
early benefactor of their country. From Windsor 
he })roceeded by the way of Montpelier to Burling- 
ton, and was everywhere received with the warmest 
affection and giatitude, and wnh the most enthusi- 
astic deiiKjMstrations of admiration and applause. 

10. Mr Van Ness was again chosen governor in 
1825, and in his communication to the assembly he 
invited their attention particularly to the subject of 



BISTORr or VERMONT. 

internal improvements. A board of canal commis- 
sioners was aj)i)ointed and five luin(i^el^(ioIla^ri were 
appropriated to dofray their expenses. It was made 
tlte duty of tln^se commissioners to assist any en- 
gineers, who might be em})]oyed by the general gov- 
ernment to ascertain the most practicable routes for 
canals within this state. The great objects contem- 
plated were, the improvement of the navigation of 
Connecticnt river and the connexion of that river 
with lake Champlain and lake Memphremagog by 
means of canals. Tiie law setting forth the prin- 
ciples npon which the grand list for the assessment 
of taxes in this state, shall be made out, was repeal- 
ed at this session, and a new law upon this subject 
enacted. By this act it is provided that there shall 
be an appraisal of real estate once in 5 years, and 
that it shall be set in the list at the rate of fom- per 
cent for buildings and village lots and six per cent 
for other real estate, on its a[)j)raised value, and to 
this the rates of rviionui property are calculated to 
correspond. 

11. Mr Van Ness hf»ving signified his wish no lon- 
ger to receive the suffrages of his fellow citizens, Mr 
Butler was, in 1826, elected governor of the state. 
In his speech he called the attention of the assembly 
to the subject of lotteries and the sale of lottery tick- 
ets in this state. In (consideration of which, an act 
was passed, prohibiting the sale of tickets without a 
licence under the penalty of a heavy fine.^ Mr But- 
ler was again elected governor in 1827. He now 
invited the attention of the legislature to the existing 
laws on the subject of education, and recommended 
the appointment, in each town or county, ®f commis- 
sioners for the examination of teachers and for the 
general superintendence of schools. In consequence 
of these suggestions, a general pl;ui of education was 
adopted, designed for the improvement of schools 
and for producing uniformity in the methods of in- 
struction. It provided that a superintending commit- 



LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS. 227 

tee should be apj)ointed annually in en' h town, and 
tbat no t<'acliers gliould be employed in tlie public 
scbools, who had not been examined by said com- 
rnittee, and who bad not received from them a c<;r- 
titicate of their qualifications for teficiiinjr. It also 
provided for the a])pointment of five school com- 
missioners, whose business it should be to have a 
general supejvision of the business of education in 
the state, procure and circulate information on the 
subject, recommend suitable books to be used in 
schools, ascertain if any alteiation in the law be 
necessary, and make an annual rei)ort to the legisia- 
tiu'e. 

12, In 1828, Mj- Crafts was elected governor. In 
his speech he con^rratulated his fellow citizens upon 
the unrivalled prosperity of the country — declared 
their advance in population and resources to be un- 
precedented in the history of man — and the means of 
happiness within their ])ower to be more abundant 
than .ever fell to the lot of any other peo[>!e. The 
legislature this year |)assed a resolution requiring 
their senators and representatives in Congress to use 
all justifiable means to prociu-e the passage of an 
act granting pensions to'ull American citizens with- 
out regard to their present circumstances, who serv- 
ed during the war of the revolution. In JSSO^ Mr 
Crafts was again chosen governor i>y the votes of 
the freemen. Among. the subjects which came be- 
fore the assembly was a resolution of the legislature 
of South Carolina, declaring that Congress had no 
constitutional p(jwer to lay duties on impoi'ts for the 
encouragement of domestic manufactures, or for 
internal improvements ; and also conununications 
from Georgia, Virginia and Missouri, sanctioning the 
same principles. The legislature disposed of this 
matter liy resolving that they would not concur with 
the South Carolina resolution. 

13. As already observed, on the return of peace 
in 1815, party spirit rapidly subsided, and for B©ver- 



U28 msTORT or Vermont 

al years a remarkable unanimity of sentiment with 
regard to men and measures prevailed. After the 
election of Mr Adams to the presiden'-y in 1825, an 
organized opposition was formed to his administra- 
tion by the friends of the rival candidates, who suc- 
ceeded in 3829, in elevating General Jackson to 
that office in opposition to the incunjbent. These 
two great divisions of the })eople, were founded 
chieflv in a prpforonce of j)articulannen, and nor ni 
a difference of ))olitical principles. Tiie ai)duction 
of William Mcrgan in 1826, for divulging the se- 
crets of masonry, gave rise to another party, founded 
in o|)position to the principles of niasonry, and 
which is hence called the anti-masonic pariy. And 
thinking it to be the most effectual way to put 
down an institution, which they believe to be dan- 
gerous to community, they have made it a ])art of 
their political creed that no adhering mason shall 
receive their support for office. 

14. This |)arty was not distinctly organized in Ver- 
mont till tlie year 1 29. In 1830, it was found that 
three canflhlates for governor bad been siipported and 
that no election bad been made by the people. Mr 
Crafts, the national republican and masonic candidate, 
received 13486 votes, Mr Palmer the anti-masoj)ic 
candidate had 10925 and MrMeech,the administration 
candidate, had 6285. The choice devolving upon the 
legislature, after 32 ballottings, Mr Crafts was elected 
by a small majority. The abolition of imprisonment 
for debt had in former ye<fts frequently engaged the 
attention of the legislature and, in his speech, the gov- 
ernor again invited attention to the subject. Afler 
much debate a law was passed declaring that on all 
judgments obtained upon de!)ts contracted after the 1st 
day ot January, 1831, the debtor may within two hours 
after the rendition of such judgment, before a court 
of justice submit himself to an examinaton on oath 
])y such court or creditor, or his attorney, touching his 
situation, circumstances, or property, and may be en- 



LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS. 221) 

titled to the benefit of the oath, which shall be admin- 
istered to such debtor by said court of justice, and 
a record made thereof, and no execution shall be is- 
sued thereon. 

15. In 1831, eacli of the throe parties supported 
its candidate for governor, in consequence of which, 
no election was made by the people. The choice 
again devolving upon-the legislature, "Mr Palmer, the 
antimasonic candidate, was elected at the ninth bal- 
lotting by a majority of one vote. In his speech he 
says that " the general condition of our country is 
that of peace, prosperity and happiness. Compared 
with any other people we have the most abundant 
cause for grateful acknowledgment to the Author of 
all good that our lot has been cast here." After ma- 
king the customary ap})ointments of civil officers, the 
house proceeded with diligence in discharge of their 
remaining duties. Few subjects of general interest 
were brought up, and most of the acts passed this 
session were of a local or private nature. Among 
the bills passed was one taxing foreign bank stock, 
one incorporating the Bennington and Brattleborough 
rail road company and one incorporating the Rutland 
and Whitehall rail road company. Several new 
banks were also granted. 

16. In 1832, there was again no election of gov- 
ernor, by the people, and at the 43d ballotting, Mr 
Palmer was re-elected by the legislature. In com- 
pliance with the vsuggestions in the governor's mes- 
sage, a law was passed at this session for regulating 
and governing the militia, and resolutions were adopt- 
ed, approving of the existing taritF law of Congress, 
of appropriations for internal improvement, and of re- 
chartering the bank of the United States. A bill was 
also passed providing for the erection of a new state 
house in Montpeher and appropriating $30,000 for 
that purpose, the [)eople of Montpeiier pledging them- 
selves to pay one half that sum into the State treasury. 

17. We have now brought down our sketch of the 

20 



230 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

legislative proceeding in Vermont to the present time. 
We ai'e aware that it is too brief to be fully satisfac- 
tory ; and, in our selection from the mass of materials, 
we are not sure that we have always taken those 
things, which are most interesting and valuable. A 
lack of room, on account of the prescribed limits of 
our volume, must be our excuse for brevity, and a 
lack of judgment and leisure for research, for the in- 
judicious selection of materials. The deficiencies of 
our narrative will, however, we trust, be made up in 
a ood degree by the following summaries and tables. 



SECTION V. 

The Frame of Government— Legislative Power — Ex- 
ecutive Power — Council of Censors — Judiciary — Laws 
— Education — Diseases, ^r. 

1. Vermont declared her independence and her 
right to organize a government of her own on the 
15th of January, 1777. On the 2d of July following 
a convention of delegates from the several towns 
met at Windsor and adopted the first constitution. 
This constitution was revised by the same conven- 
tion in the following December, and went into ef- 
fect without ever being submitted to the people for 
their ratification. The constitution was again revis- 
ed in 1786, and in 1792, and was adopted in its pres- 
ent form by a convention, assembled at Windsor, on 
the 4th of July, 1793. The following are the most 
important provisions of this instrument. 

2. The supreme Legislative power is vested in a 
House of Representatives, chosen annually by the 
freemen, on the first Tuesday of September. Each 
organized town has a right to choose one representa- 
tive. The representatives meet on the 2d Thursday 



r^ FRAME OF GOVERNMENT. S31 

of the October succeeding their election, and aro 
styled " The General A^ssembly of the state op 
Vermont." They have power to choose their own 
officers ; to sit on their own adjournments ; prepare 
bills and enact them into laws ; they may expel 
members, but not for causes known to their constitu- 
ents antecedent to their election ; impeach state 
criminals ; grant charters of incorporation ; consti- 
tute towns, boroughs, cities, and counties. In con- 
junction with the council, they are annually to elect 
judges of the supreme, county and probate courts, 
sheriffs and justices of the peace, and also, as often 
as there shall be occasion, elect major generals and 
brigadier generals. The General Assembly have all 
the powers necessary for the legislature of a free and 
sovereign state ; but can neither add to, alter, abolish 
or inhinge any part of the constitution. 

3. The supreme Executive power is vested in a 
governor, lieutenant governor, and a council of 
twelve persons, who are also chosen annually by the 
freemen on the first Tuesday of S-M>tcniber, and 
meet with the general assembly ia October. They 
are to commission all officers ; prepare and lay be- 
fore the assembly such business as shall appear to 
them necessary ; sit as judges to hear and determine 
on impeachments. They have power to grant par- 
dons and remit fines, excej)t in cases of treason and 
murder, in which they have power to grant reprieves, 
but not pardon, till after the next session of the leg- 
islature ; and in cases of impeachment, in which 
there is no remission, or mitigation, of punishment, 
but by act of legislation. In the recess of the 
house of representatives, they may lay embargoes, 
or prohibit exportation for any time not exceeding 
30 days, and may call a special meeting of the gen- 
eral assembly, whenever they shall deem it necessa- 
ry. The governor is captain- general and command- 
er in chief of all the forces of the state, but cannot 
command in person unless advised thc4'eto by the 



S32 HI6T0KT or TERMO?fT. 

council, and then only so long as they shall approve ; 
and the lieutenant governor is, b}"^ virtue of his office, 
lieutenant general of all the forces of the state. To 
prevent the evil consequences, which might result 
from hasty determinations, all bills which originate 
in the assembly, are laid before the governor and 
council, for their revision and concurrence, or pro- 
posals of amendment. The governor and council 
have no 'negative upon the house ; but they have 
power to suspend the passing of any bill until the 
next session of the legislature. 

4. The constitution provides for the appointment 
of a council of censors, consisting of thirteen persons, 
to be chosen by the people every 7th year on the last 
Wednesday in March, and who are to meet on the 
first Wednesday of the June following. It is their 
business to inquire whether the constitution has been 
preserved inviolate ; whether the legislative and ex- 
ecutive branches of government have performed 
their duty ; whether public taxes have been justly 
laid and collected ; and whether the laws have been 
duly executed. They also have power to pass pub- 
lic censures, order impeachments and recommend 
the repeal of such laws as they may deem contrary 
to the principles of the constitution ; and, should 
they judge it necessary, they may pro])ose amend- 
ments to the constitution and call a convention to 
act upon them. These powers they may exercise 
for the space of one year from the day of their 
election and no longer. 

5. The constitution of Vermont difFersin some re- 
spects from that of every other state in the union. 
The whole legislative power is vested in a house of 
representatives, but the council, though not a co-or- 
dinate branch, has power to suspend the acts of the 
legislature, and prevent their becoming laws, for the 
period of one year. Thus every law which is not 
approved by the council, is in effect, submitted di- 
rectlyto tlie people. If the people approve it, they 



JUDICIARY POWERS. !©3 

will manifest it through their rnprosoiitativos, tho 
following year. If the legislature re-enacts this 
suspended bill at the next session, it then becomes a 
law without the concurrence of the governor and 
council; from which it will be seen that the govern- 
ment of Vermont approaches very nearly to a pure 
democracy. 

6. The successive councils of censors have fre- 
quently proposed so to alter the constitution, as to 
establish a senate, instead of the executive council, 
and make it a co-ordinate branch of the legislature, 
but these proposals have allways been rejected by the 
conventions, which have been called to consider 
them. Only one amendment to the constitution has 
been made during the last forty years, and that only 
provided for the naturalization of foreigners, who 
should settle in this state, agreeably to the laws of 
congress. 

7. The Judiciary powers are vested in a supreme 
court and court of chancery, consisting at present of 
five judges and a county court in each county, con- 
sisting of one of the su})remo court judges, as chief 
justice and two assistant justices ; a probate court in 
each probate district, of which there are nineteen : 
and justices of the j)eace in each town, all appoint- 
ed annually by the legislature. The supreme cowt 
and court of chancery holds one session in each 
county ainiually, and have original and conclusive 
jurisdiction in all suits of chancery and petitions not 
triable by jury. Ap{)eals may be had to this court 
from the county courts, only for the determination 
of questions of law. The county courts hold res- 
pectively two sessions annually in ea^h county. 
They have original jurisdiction of all criminal mat- 
ters, excepting such as are made cognizable before 
justices of the peace. Justices of the peace may tiy 
actions of a criminal nature where the fine, or for- 
feiture, does not exceed $7. They have original and 
exclusive jurisdiction in civil cases, where the matter 

20* 



234 HlSTOllT OF VERMONT. 

in demand does not exceed $100, except for slander- 
ous words, replevin above $7, and trespass upon 
freehold above the sum of $20. 

8. Crimes and punishments. — Treason, murder, 
perjury, in consequence of which some person's life 
is taken awaj', and arson, by means of which some 
person's life is destroyed, or his, or her body, or 
members, injured, are at present the only crimes 
punished with death by our laws. Manslaughter, 
and the second conviction for burglar}, are punished 
by imprisonment at hard labor in the state ])rison for 
life, or for a term of years, in no case less than seven, 
and in that of manslaughter not less than ten. The 
punishment for perjury, where hfe is not taken in 
consequence, may be the same as for manslaughter. 
Arson, without death, burglary, raj)e, robbery, purju- 
ry, forgery, theft, adultery, polygamy, incest, coun- 
terfeiting, and swindhng, are jnunshed by imprison- 
ment at hard labor, and by fine, in no case exceeding 
$1,000, or either of said {)unishinents, in the discre- 
tion of the court. Only three executions have taken 
place in this state, by sentence of a court of law, 
since the assumption of the government in 1778. 
The first was Dean, who was executed at Burlington 
in 1808, the second was Godfrey, executed at Wood- 
stock in 181S, and the thiid was Virginia, a man of 
color, executed at St Albans in 1820. David Reding 
was executed at Bennington before the present form of 
government was established, and several have suf- 
fered, in time of war, by sentence of court martials. 
Since the establishment of the state prison at Wind- 
sor, the average number of convits confined there, 
has been about 100. These have been sentenced for 
various crimes, and for different terms of service, 
but the greatest part for theft and counterfeiting. 

9. The laws of Vermont consist of the acts of the 
legislature, whicli are published at tiie close of the 
session, making an annual pam})hlet of from 50 to 
100 pages. The first attempts at legislation in Ver- 



EDUCATION. 235 

mont are not preserved. The laws i)asse(l previous 
to February 1779, are not on record in the office of 
tlie secretary of state. The most important acts 
from tliat time down to the close of the year 178G, are 
to be found in the valuable work entitled " Vermont 
State Paper,^^ compiled by the Honorable William 
Slade, Junior. In 1787, there was a general revision 
of the laws, and those then in force were collected 
and published in a single voliune. They were again 
revised, digested and published in a single octavo 
volume in the year 1825. By our present laws every 
organized town is obliged to support all the poor, 
who have a legal settlement in the same. A legal 
settlement is acquired in several ways; as by a res- 
idence of seven years in the town, without expense 
to the town, or of five years if their rateable proper- 
ty has been set in the list of the town during that 
time at $60, or upwards. Persons sworn into town 
office two years, gain a residence thereby. Married 
women always have the settlement of their husbands. 
Legitimate children have the settlement of their pa- 
rents, and illegitimate children the settlement of 
their mothers. Children cannot gain a settlement in 
a town by birth where their parents have not a legal 
settlement. 

10. Education. — There are few states in the Union 
in which useful knowledge is more generally diffus- 
ed than in Vermont. The first settlers were not gen- 
erally well educated men, but the trying circumstan- 
ces in which they were placed, led them to form a 
true estimate of the importance of education, and 
we accordingly find them, very soon after assuming 
the powers^of government, providing for the establish- 
ment of sclijols and seminaries of learning. Each 
organized town is divided into school districts, and 
in each district a school is maintained during a part 
of the year. A part, and in some places, all of the 
money for the support of these schools is raised up- 
on the Grand List, in consequence of which our 



236 IHSTORY OF VERMO^'^. 

schools are open to the poor os well as tho rich, and, 
if any children in Vermont grow up without a com- 
petent knowledge of the common useful branches 
of education, the fault is wholly chargeable upon 
themselves, or their parents. Besides our common 
schools, academies are established in most of the 
counties, wliere instruction may be had in the higher 
branches of education. There are hkewise two col- 
leges and three medical institutions in Vermont. 

11. The first printing office was established in Ver- 
mont at Westminster in the year 1778, by Judah Pad- 
dock, Spooncr and Timothy Green. The same 
year Judah Paddock and Alden Spooner were ap- 
pointed state printers by the General Assembly. In 
April 1781, the first News Paper printed in Vermont, 
was ])ub]islied at Westminster by Judah P. Spooner 
and Tinjothy Green. It was called the Vermont Ga- 
zette or Green Mountain Post Boy, and its motto was 
characteristic of the inhabitants of the Green Moun- 
tain state. 

"Pliant as roeds, whoro Ptreams of freedom glide, 
Firm as the hills, to stem oppression's tide." 

This paper was issued weekly on Monday, on a 
sheet of pot size, but was continued only one or two 
years. 

12. The second paper published in Vt. was the Ver- 
mont Gazette, or Freeman^ s Depository. It was ccmmen 
ced by Anthony Haswell and David Russell, June 5th 
1783, and has been continued to the present time. 
The press and types which were at Westminster hav- 
ing been purchased by George Hough he removeed 
them to Windsor in 1783, and in partnership with 
Alden Spooner comnienced ])ublishing the Vermont 
Journal and Universal. Advertiser on the 7th of August 
of that year. This was the tbird paper published in 
Vermont and the second which continued any con 
siderable length of time. It is still continued in con- 
nection with the Republican and Yeoman. There are 
at this time in Vermont no less than twenty four pa- 



DISEASES. 237 

pers piiblished'weekly, besides three or foi\r period- 
icals whieli are issued less frequently. 

13. Religion. — The constitution of Vermont secures 
to every person freedom of religious opinion and wor- 
ship, and declares, " that no man can be compelled 
to erect or support any place of worship, or to main- 
tain any minister, contrary to the dictates of his own 
concience." No person can be deprvied of his civil 
rights, as a citizen, on account of his religious senti- 
ments, or his peculiar mode of vvorsliip. Yet all de- 
nominations are enjoined by the constitution to ob- 
serve the Sabbath, and to keep up some sort of re- 
ligious worship, which to them shall seem most 
agreeable to the revealed will of God." The whole 
number of clergymen in this state is about 350, 
and they are of the following denominations, viz. 
Congregationalists, Methodists, Baptists, Freewill 
Baptists, Presbyterians, Episcopalians, Christians, 
Universalists, Unitarians and Friends. Some new 
sects have occasionally sprung up in this state, but 
they soon came to nought. 

14. Diseases. — Vermont enjoys a \yai-Q and whole- 
some air. The diseases most common to our cli- 
mate, are fevers, dysentery, consumption and other 
inflammatory complaints, arising from colds, induced 
by the sudden changes in the weather to which this 
state is subject. The typhus or slow fever, has been the 
most common in Vermont, though it has not generally 
been very fatal. It has prevailed more or less in almost 
every year since the settlement of the state was com- 
menced. The spotted fever commenced its ravages in 
this state about the beginning of the year 1811, and 
continued its devastations for about two years. This 
was the most alarming disease ever known in Ver- 
mont. It usually attacked persons of the most ro- 
bust and hardy constitutions and often proved fatal 
in the course of a few hours. It was not uncommon 
that the patient was a corpse before a physician 
could be brought to his assistance. 



938 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

15. The lung fever followed the spotted fever, and 
was the most fatal epidemic disease ever experienced 
in this part of the country. This disease resembled 
the spotted fever, except in having its principal loca- 
tion upon the lungs, and being slower in coming to 
a crisis. It commenced in this state in the autumn 
of 1812, at the northwestern part. It proved very 
mortal in the United States' army at Burlington, 
carrying oflf from 10 to 12 in a |day, before it spread 
among the inhabitants : It was, however, but a short 
time before it became general throughout the state 
In the course of the succeeding winter it swept off 
from 20 to 60 of the most respectable and useful cit- 
izens in almost every town. Intermittent fevers were 
formerly common in many places along the shores 
of lake Champlain, but cases of this disease at pres- 
ent very rarely occur. The dysentery has ever been 
one of the most fatal disorders to children, and has 
frequently prevailed in different sections of the state 
to an alarming degree. This disease is seldom known, 
except in the months of July, August and Septem- 
ber. Some cases of dysentery have occurred almost 
every year since the state has been settled ; but they 
have been for some years less numerous than formerly. 
In the autumn of 1822 and 1823, the dysentery ap- 
peared in a much more malignant form than usual, 
and was very fatal in some places. 

16. But of all the diseases, which continue from 
year to year to make their inroads upon our popula- 
tion, the pulmonary consumption is the most fatal 
and deplorable. Slow in its advances, it almost im- 
perceptibly undermines the constitution — exhausts 
the vital energies, and, annually, brings down hun- 
dreds within this state to an untimely grave. The 
consumption seems to have its origin in the sudden 
changes to which our climate is subject, and as the 
weather has become more variable in consequence 
of clearing and cultivating the country, we have an 
obvious cause for tlio increasing ravages of tho dis- 



SEASONS. 239 

ease ; and this cause is not a little aided by the pro- 
pensity, which' prevails, to indulge the caprices of 
of the fickle goddess, fashion. Too much pains 
cannot be taken by those, who prize their health, 
to guard themselves against the effects of sudden 
changes of temperature. The measles, canker rash, 
influenza, &c. ha\e frequently been epidemic in 
this state. To the Epidemic Cholera which was so 
fetal in many parts of the United States during the 
summer of 1839, there were only ten or twelve vic- 
tims in Vermont ; and it may be safely affirmed that 
Vermont enjoys as pure an atmosphere, as good and 
wholesome water, and as healthy a climate as almc^t 
any part of the world,. 

17. Seasons. — The Climate of Vermont is cold and 
the weather is subject to sudden changes. The ex- 
tremes of heat and cold are about 100 degrees above, 
and 27 degi*ees below, the zero in the scale of Far- 
enhert's thermometer. But few observations have 
hitherto been made for determining the mean annual 
temperature. Snow usually falls about the first of 
December and covers the ground till April, and du- 
ring this time the cold is often severe. The win- 
ters in Vermont are, however, milder and more 
variable, and the quar,tity of snow less,,, than at 
the time this state was first settled. Frost commoidys 
cease about the 10th of May and commences again 
about the first of October, but they have been known 
every month in the year. Apple-Trees put forth 
their leaves about the 5th of May, and their blossoms 
about the 15th. Indian corn is planted between the 
10th and 25th of May, l)lossonjs in July and is ripe 
in September. Vegetation is about eight or ten days 
later on the high lands than it is along the lake and 
rivers. 

18. Vegetation has sometimes suffered for the want 
of rain, but much more frequently from two great an 
abundance ; and the crops along our rivers are fre- 
quently destroyed by sudden freshets. The most re- 



240 HISTORY OF VERMONT. " 

markable and destructive freshets which have occur 
red since the settlement of the state, were those of 
1783, 1811 and 1830. In addition to the vast amount 
of property destroyed by these floods, n^iany hves 
were also lost. During the freshet of 1830, no less 
than 14 persons, were drowned in the town of New 
Haven in this state. 

19. »S'oi7 and productions, — The soil of Vermont is in 
general, rich and loamy, producing an abundance of 
those kinds of vegetables, which are common in our 
latitude. Still the variety of soil in the different 
parts of the state, is very considerable. Bordering 
our numerous rivers, are beautiful tracts of interval 
land, which consists of a dark, deep and fertile allu- 
vial deposit, very productive in corn, grain, grass and 
garden vegetables. Back from the intervals, the land 
rises in some places gradually, in others abruptly, 
into hills, and further back into mountains. These 
are intersected by numerous streams, and in general, 
l)resent a broken and diversified aspect. The up- 
lands in many places are, however, scarcely inferior 
to the intervals. They are generally sufficiently free 
from stone to admit of easy cultivation, and produce 
good crops of corn, grain and grass. Farmers, who 
are industrious, seldom fail of having their barns 
filled with hay and flax, their granaries with corn, 
wheat, rye, oats, barley, peas and beans, and their 
cellars with the best of cider, potatoes, turnips, beets, 
onions, and other esculent vegetables. Those hills 
and mountains which are not arable, on account of 
their steepness or rocks, afford the best of pasturage 
for cattle and sheep. The principal articles of ex- 
port are lumber, marble, copperas, horses, beef, pork, 
mutton, pot and pearl ashes, butter, cheese and wool. 
No part of the world is better adapted to the pro- 
duction and fattening of horses, cattle and sheep, 
than the hills and mountains of Vermont. The rai- 
sing of wool constitutes an important branch of em- 
ployment. 



APPEISDIX. 



/.- .Gcvernnrs and TAeutenant Governors. 





Gorier nor s. 


Lieut. Governors. 


1778 


Thomas Chittenden. 


Joseph Marsh. 


1779 


(1 i( 


Benjamin Carpenter. 


1781-5« 


(( u 


El.sha Payne. 


1782 


(( (I 


Paul Spooner. 


1786 


<( (( 


(( (( 


1787 


(i <( 


Joseph Marsh. 


1789 


Moses Robinson. 


(( (( 


1790 


Thomas Chittenden. 


Peter Olcut. 


1794 


(( (( 


Jonathan Hunt. 


1796 


(( (< 


Paul Brigham. 


1797 


Isaac Tichenor. 


(( (( 


1801 


(( (( 


(( (( 


1807 


Israel Smith. 


(( (( 


1808 


Isaac Tichenor. 


(I (( 


1809 


Jonas Gahisha. 


(( (« 


1813 


Martin Chittenden. 


William Cliamberlain. 


1815 


Jonas Galusha. 


Paul Brigham. 


1820 


Richard Skinner. 


V/illiam Cahoon. 


1822 


(( (( 


Aaron Leland. 


1823 


C. P. Van Ness. 


<( (( 


1825 


Ezra Butler. 


" (( 


1827 


(( (( 


Henry Olin, 


1828 


Samuel C. Craf.s. 


(( (( 


1830 


(( (( 


Mark Richards. 


1831 


William A. Palmer. 


Lehbeus Egerton. 


1832 


(< (i 


(( (( 



* In those years which are omitted as from 1779, &( 
the incumbents were continued in office. 
21 



g42 



APPENDIX. 



No8. H.— Treasiirers and Secretaries. 





Treasurers. 


Secretaries of State. 


1778 


Ira Allen. 


Thomas Chandler. 


1778* 


t( (( 


Joseph Fay. 


1781 


(( (( 


Micah Townscnd- 


1786 


Samuel Mattocks. 


(( <( 


1788 


(( (( 


Roswell Hopkins. 


1801 


Benjamin Swan. 


(( t( 


1802 


(( <( 


David Wing Jr. 


1806 


t( i« 


Thomas Leverett. 


1813 


({ (( 


Josiah Dunham. 


1815 


{( (( 


William Slade Jr. -m 


1823 


(( (t 


Norman Williams. W 


1831 


CI (t 


Timothy Merrill. 



No. Ill.—Speakers and Clerks, 





Speakers. 


Clearks. 


1778 


Nathan Clark. 


Benjamin Baldwin. 


1778 


Thomas Chandler. 


Bezaleel Woodward. 


1779 


(( (( 


Roswell Hopkms. 


1781 


Thomas Porter. 


(( (( 


1782 


Increase Mosely. 


(t (i 


1783 


Isaac Tichenor. 


({ (t 


1784 


Nathan Niles. 


(t (( 


1785 


S. R. Bradley. 


(t (( 


1786 


Gideon Olin. 


(t (( 


1788 


(( ii 


Stephen Jacobs. 


1790 


(t (< 


Lewis R. Morris. 


1791 


(( (( 


William Eaton. 


1793 


Daniel Buck. 


Richard Whitney. 


1795 


Lewis R. Morris. 


(C ({ 


1797 


Abel Spencer. 


(( (( 


1798 


Daniel Farrand. 


Samuel C. Crafts. 


1799 


Amos Marsh. 


C( (( 


1800 


{( u 


Nathan Osgood. 


1801 


<( (t 


James Elliot. 


1802 


Abel Spencer. 


(t ii 



• When the date is repeated 
the assembly in a year. 



ther-e were two sessions o 



CHRONOLOGICAL I5DEX. 251 

TEAR. J-AGf. 

1492 America Discovovoii I)y Christ,op}icr Coliimhus - lo 

1534 Rivur St Lawiciico discovered by J. Cartior - 14 

35 Ciulicr visited [lochelaga — named it Montreal - 14 

1G03 Cluunplain first visited Canada - - - 14 

07 Jamostowii, Va. f-cttlod by the English - . 17 

08 Quebec settled by the French _ . _ 15 

09 Lake Clinmiiiain ami linkc George Discovered - - 15 
09 Hudson river discovered by Henry Hudson 17 
14 Cajitain iSiiiilii cxidurod llie coast of New England - 17 
14 New York Settled by the Dutcii - - - 17 
20 Plymouth settled by the Englisii _ . - 17 

23 Settlements begun at J)over and Portsmouth N. H. 18 

30 Indians plot llic extermination of the English - 19 
33 Windsor, Connecticut settled - - - 18 
35 Springtield, ftlassachusetts settled - - - 18 
37 War with the Petjuod Indians _ . . 19 

90 Indians destroyed t'clicnectady and Salmon F. Fort 20 

91 Colonel Schuyler attacked the French settlements - 22 
1704 Deerheld destroyed by the Indians - - - 23 

24 First Settlement made in the territory of Vermont 25 

31 French built Crown Point — Settled in Addison 26, 53 
41 South line of Vermont surveyed _ _ _ - 55 
46 Hoosuc Fort taken by the French and Indians - 27 

46 Bridgeman's Fort defended against the Indians - 27 

47 Charlostown defended by Captain Stevens - - 27 
49 First townsliip granted in Vermont - - - 55 
52 English attempted to settle at Coos - - - 52 
54 General Colonial Convention _ - - - 29 
54 Settlements made on Connecticut River - - - 53 
54 Whole nundier of grants in Vermont 16 - - 55 

54 Gen. Braddock defeated by French and Indians - 30 

55 The French Defeated at Lake George - - 32 
55 Fort William Henry built - - - 34 

55 Bridgeman's fort taken by the Indians - 160 

56 Oswego taken by the French _ - . - 35 

57 Unsuccessful Exj)edilion against Louisburg - 35 

57 Massacre of the English at Fort William Henry - 37 

58 Abercrombie defeated at Ticonderoga - - 41 
58 Louisburg taken ___-_- 41 

58 Forts Frontonac and Du Quesne taken . - - 43 

59 Quebec taken by Wolf ------ 45 

59 French retire on Lake Champlain . - - - 46 

59 Rogers' Expedition against the St Francis Indians - 47 

60 All Canada Surrendered to the Engligh - - 50 

61 Sixty townships granted in Vermont _ _ - 55 

63 Controversy began between N. Hampshire and N. York 56 

64 Decided by the King in favor of New York - - 57 

64 Newbury Settled ------- 75 

65 Vermont first divided into counties - - - - 75 
71 Population of Vermont 7000 - - , - - 76 
74 New York passes an act of outlawry - - - 68 

74 Remonstrance against said act - ... _ 70 

75 Massacre at Westminster March 13 - . - 73 

75 Battle at Lexington April 19 74 

73 Ticonderoga taken by Ethan Allen May, 10, - 77 



252 CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 

^^^^' rASE. 

1775 Ethan Allen taken at Montreal, September 25, - 83 

75 Colonel S. Warner defeated General Carlton - 84 

75 St Johns taken by General Montgomery November 3, 84 

75 Montreal taken NoAember 13 - - - - -85 

75 Montgomery defeated and slain at duebec December 31 86 
. 76 Americans retreat from Canada - - - - 88 

76 Naval Rattle on Lake Champlain October II, - 91 
76 Convention met at Dorset January 16 and july 24 117 

76 Independence of the United States declared july 4 118 

77 General Burgoyne's council v/ilh the^ Indians June 21 97 
" The Americans abandon Ticonderoga July 6 - 100 
" Battle at Hubbardton july 7 - - ' - - - lOF 
" Battle at Bennington August 16 - - - - 107 

" Bargoyne crossed the Hudson September 13 - - 111 

" Battle of September 19 - - - - - -113 

" Burgoyne Surrendered Oct. 17 - _ . _ 114 

" Vermont declared her own Independence January 15 119 

" Convention to form a Constitution met july 2 - 124 

78 First meeting of the Vermont Legislature March 12 128 
" Sixteen towns from N, H. united with Vt. june 11 128 

79 Union with N. H. dissolved, February II - - i:^ 
" Vermont appealed to the world, December 10 - 137 

80 Negotiation with Canada begun, March 30 - - 146 
80 Royalton Destroyed by the Indians . _ _ 162 

80 Alarm in Windham County _ _ . _ 166 

81 Second Union with part of N. H. April - - 143 
" A part of N. Y. received into Union with Vt. June 16 144 
" Colonel I. Allen sent to Canada, May I - - l^D 
" Allen's Report to the assembly june - - 151 
" Letter from Lord Germain to Sir H. Clinton intercepted 153 
" Allen has another interview with the British in Sept. 154 
" The Birtish army advanced up the lake October - 155 
" Vermont applies for admission into the Union - 167 
" Preliminary requisition of Congress, August 20 - 1C5 

82 Gen. Washington wrote to Gov. Chittenden Jan. 1 172 
82 Vt. Resolved to comply with the resolution of Aug. 20 173 
82 Vt. dissolved her Unions February 22 - - 173 
84 Disturbances in Windham County - - - 182 
88 Peace between G. Britain and the United States 185 

90 Controversy with New York Settled - - 188 

91 Vermont admitted into the Union March 4 - 190 
97 Resignation and death of Governor Chittenden - 194 
97 Parties first distinctly formed in Ferment - 199 
97 Mr. Tichenor elected Governor _ - - - 200 

1800 Middlebury College incorporated _ - - 204 

06 State Bank established ----- 210 

07 Israel Smith elected governor _ - - - 210 

08 Black Snake affair - - - - - 214 

09 Jonas Galasha first elected governor - - - 211 

10 I. Smith 4th Governor of Vermont died 

U Embargo laid for 90 days April 3 - - - 212 

12 War declared with G. Britain June 18 - - 212 

13 Capture of the Growler and Eagle - - - 215 

14 Battle at La Cole Mills 217 

14 Battle at Plattsburgh September 11 - - - 217 



J - 



I 



